Suchergebnisse

Regardless of the cause of conflicts in a state, when the violence is ceased its aftermath should be dealt with. The most effective and targeted scenario of post-conflict regulation for every specific state would be designed and executed. The international community can play a crucial role in encouraging or combating peace process and building peace. The adjustment mechanism combines peacemaking with elements of nation-building, humanitarian action, transitional justice and recovery. One of the key elements of such a process involves possible revision, rewriting or even adoption of a new constitution to ensure an effective peace and security. In most cases, however, it is impossible to exclude the history and agreements that led up to a decision to make or re-make a constitution. Constitution building involves steps and sequences, and is not necessarily linear. Despite the important role that this process can play, little attention has been paid to the ways of developing and implementing participatory mechanisms and involving citizens in the process of creating a constitution conducive to a lasting peace. However, even developed in the best way constitutional and institutional framework cannot guarantee a stable democracy or permanent conflict resolution, although it can help it. Turning to the case of Ukraine, its Constitution needs changes though not that profound as in Africa for instance. Primarily, stabilization and conflict resolution in the east of Ukraine requires working towards the formation understanding of values and normative basis among people that will make intentions and practical measures of the current government legitimate and necessary in the eyes of the vast majority of the population. Ukraine should also take due notice of the complexity and comprehensive character of the process of peace building which hopefully will be launched in the nearest future. ; Regardless of the cause of conflicts in a state, when the violence is ceased its aftermath should be dealt with. The most effective and targeted scenario of post-conflict regulation for every specific state would be designed and executed. The international community can play a crucial role in encouraging or combating peace process and building peace. The adjustment mechanism combines peacemaking with elements of nation-building, humanitarian action, transitional justice and recovery. One of the key elements of such a process involves possible revision, rewriting or even adoption of a new constitution to ensure an effective peace and security. In most cases, however, it is impossible to exclude the history and agreements that led up to a decision to make or re-make a constitution. Constitution building involves steps and sequences, and is not necessarily linear. Despite the important role that this process can play, little attention has been paid to the ways of developing and implementing participatory mechanisms and involving citizens in the process of creating a constitution conducive to a lasting peace. However, even developed in the best way constitutional and institutional framework cannot guarantee a stable democracy or permanent conflict resolution, although it can help it. Turning to the case of Ukraine, its Constitution needs changes though not that profound as in Africa for instance. Primarily, stabilization and conflict resolution in the east of Ukraine requires working towards the formation understanding of values and normative basis among people that will make intentions and practical measures of the current government legitimate and necessary in the eyes of the vast majority of the population. Ukraine should also take due notice of the complexity and comprehensive character of the process of peace building which hopefully will be launched in the nearest future.

Past conflict research and theory has provided insight into the types of conflict and styles of conflict resolution in organizations and groups. A second generation of conflict research is now needed that recognizes that the type of conflict present in a group relative to the other types present (proportional conflict composition) and the amount of conflict perceived relative to the amount perceived by other members (perceptual conflict composition) may be critical to group functioning. Therefore, we propose two types of conflict composition in teams and investigate the links between proportional and perceptual conflict composition conflict, and team effectiveness (i.e., individual and team performance, commitment, cohesiveness, and member satisfaction) in two organizational samples. We find group conflict compositions consisting of high levels of task‐related conflict compared to relationship and process conflict (proportional task conflict) are high performing, satisfied teams. In addition, when team members disagree about amounts of conflict present (high perceptual conflict), we find evidence of negative group outcomes. Implications for managers and group members are discussed.

The article seeks to place Turkish & Greek relations with the EU in historical perspective. A certain dose of realism is introduced to the debate concerning the future of Greek-Turkish-EU relations following the initial wave of optimism generated by the 1999 Helsinki (Finland) summit. The highly entrenched positions held by key actors in the domestic politics of the two Aegean countries constitute formidable barriers to progress. The asymmetry caused by Greece's early incorporation into the EU as a full member continues to pose a major obstacle to the resolution of long-standing tensions between the two countries in such key spheres as the Aegean Sea & the Cyprus disputes. 29 References. Adapted from the source document.

Based on recent IPE contributions on three key themes in international politics (the relation between trade-technology & interstate conflicts, the link between multinationalization in production & world stability, & the political economy of democracy promotion in post-conflict countries), this essay calls the attention on the potential that IPE studies have for the analysis of complex processes (political & economic, with domestic, international & trans-national reach) across long time-spans. Empirical research on these topics has provided new ground to test & refine hypotheses from the three IPE orthodox Schools (Realism-Mercantilism, Liberalism & Marxism), pointing to the advantages of multivariate setups that treat both political & economic determinants of international outcomes as endogenous. Studies on the trade-war links have opened the way to analyses of how growth-inducing mechanisms in war economies may combine with the lasting effects of war-borne protectionist coalitions in producing differential outcomes, according to countries' resource endowments & level of development. Hypotheses on the peace-inducing features of multinationalized production appear in need of revision, especially when applied to the context of North-South relations, in which traditional dynamics identified in the FDI literature do not seem to obtain. Last, scholars interested in the political economy of post-war reconstruction could fruitfully borrow from the comparative literature on transitions, the economic contributions on development & the IR research on conflict, to provide new theoretical tools for the analysis of democracy promotion in post-conflict states. References. Adapted from the source document.

"In 1964, when the Civil Rights Act was passed, Congress wisely created an agency based in the U.S. Department of Justice to help forestall or resolve racial or ethnic disputes evolving from the act. Mandated by law and by its own methodology to shun publicity, the Community Relations Service developed self-effacement to a fine art. Thus the accomplishments, as well as the shortcomings, of this federal venture into conflict resolution are barely known in official Washington, and even less so by the American public. This first written history of the Community Relations Service uses the experiences of the men and women who sought to resolve the most volatile issues of the day to tell the story of this unfamiliar agency."--Jacket

The Basque conflict was one of the last ethnonationalist violent struggles in Western Europe, until the self-dissolution in 2018 of ETA (Euskadi ta Askatasuna, Basque Country and Freedom). The role played by some sectors of the Roman Catholic Church in the mediation efforts leading to this positive outcome has long been underestimated, as has the internal pluralism of the Church in this regard. This article specifically examines the transnational dimension of this mediation, including its symbolic aspect. The call to involve the Catholic institution transnationally was not limited to the tangible outcomes of mediation. The mere fact of involving transnational religious and non-religious actors represented a symbolic gain for the parties in the conflict struggling to impose their definitions of peace. Transnational mediation conveyed in itself explicit or implicit comparisons with other ethnonationalist conflicts, a comparison that constituted political resources for or, conversely, unacceptable constraints upon the actors involved.

Conflicts frequently arise over environmental issues such as land use, natural resource management, and laws and regulation, emerging from diverging interests and values among stakeholders. This book is a primer on causes of and solutions to such conflicts. It provides a foundational overview of the theory and practice of collaborative approaches to managing environmental disputes. Joshua D. Fisher explains the core concepts in collaborative conflict management and presents a clear, practical, and implementable framework for understanding and responding to environmental disputes. He details strategies to bring stakeholders together in pursuit of collective solutions, emphasizing ongoing processes of dialogue, analysis, action, and learning. This collaborative approach can create new opportunities for stakeholders to better understand each other and the natural world, which enables more effective and context-appropriate environmental governance. The primer examines why and how system dynamics can constrain or expand the possibility of constructive management of conflicts. It features a case study from the Amazon Basin, where local communities, extractive industry operators, conservationists, and land managers have often clashed over access to natural resources, drawing out lessons to illustrate how to adapt the conflict management framework to distinct contexts. Managing Environmental Conflict synthesizes knowledge, methods, and practices spanning consensus building, collaborative governance, complex adaptive systems science, environmental conflict resolution, and environmental peacebuilding. Its presentation of this important and timely topic will be invaluable for academics and practitioners alike, including decision makers, scientists, and conflict management professionals.

The implementation of the Belfast or Good Friday Agreement has been marked by recurring crises. While each of these has its specific causes, they are symptomatic of contradictions in the underlying conditions of conflict. These made the Belfast Agreement possible, but they have also created difficulties in its implementation. The Agreement echoes -- not least in its ambiguities -- the underlying contradictions, reconstituting the political terrain in terms of them. This has reproduced the tendency toward conflict even among the supporters of the Agreement, whose different responses & ends-in-view reflect the objective uncertainties in the situation. Political crises are likely to continue even after the full implementation of the Agreement. 2 Figures, 36 References. Adapted from the source document.

AbstractTraining is a growing but undervalued part of the dispute resolution profession. To present negotiation and mediation skills training, training providers often step into situations of latent or active conflict. This is particularly true of training that is designed and presented in the public sector, where employees encounter conflict daily. The author suggests that training can be thought of as a means to resolve disputes. This new way of viewing training will help trainers and trainees see the impact of their efforts on actual conflicts. Dispute resolution professionals may find new, innovative ways to incorporate training into their work.

The Palestinians face bleak strategic prospects. There is a substantial price to pay for the political misjudgements of the past two years by their leadership. Palestinian statehood has been placed in serious doubt, raising the spectre of new, and increasingly violent and disintegrative, trajectories in the Palestinian-Israeli relationship. Ihis narrows the range of future prospects down to two. Firstly, the conflict will continue until the international community ultimately confronts Sharon (or anylike-minded successor) over the nature of the territorial dispensation in the West Bank and East Jerusalem that must be reached if durable Palestinian-Israeli peace is to be attained. Secondly, the conflict will continue until the levels of pain and fatigue in both societies bring about a shift in domestic political balances and force national leaderships to agree the sort of peace deal for which there already is majority support. The cruel irony is that this was attainable in 2000. If the opportunity is missed once more, then the essence of the Palestinian-Israeli conflict will change over the coming decade, from a struggle over the terms of partition to one over the national identity and political nature of Israel. (Survival / SWP)