Suchergebnisse

How do changes in climatic conditions and disaster patterns affect the persistence of civil unrest across countries over time? Existing studies postulate that changing climate conditions will exacerbate various social conflicts through their impacts on degraded environmental and economic conditions, which is further conditional on political institutions. Nevertheless, there are two major pitfalls in the existing studies. First, vulnerability as a major underlying mechanism has been used as an umbrella term or been presumed. Using vulnerability as an umbrella term has a detrimental effect on climate-conflict theory-building because it prevents scholars from deriving testable empirical implications for relevant concepts. Second, previous research has pinpointed the importance of political institutions in moderating impacts of climate on conflict, but the literature says little about what aspects of political institutions might aggravate or alleviate vulnerability to climate in ways that are simmering or amplifying civil strife. Using the structural causal approach and machine learning methods, this dissertation improves the identification of the mediation effect of vulnerability and the moderation effect of political institutions on the climate-conflict relationship. The important mechanisms and implications revealed by this study are twofold. First, this dissertation finds that the impacts of extreme climatic events are more important in shaping local vulnerability than that of annual weather variations, and that adaptive capacity is more important than economic sensitivity in mitigating local vulnerability. Annual weather variations (i.e., the slow-moving mechanics) have a significant impact on cumulative conflict hazards, whereas extreme climatic events (i.e., the fast-moving drivers) fuel onset of a new conflict. In the presence of socio-psychological vulnerabilities, an increase in annual weather variations can boil new conflicts. Second, the state capacity is more important than democracy in exacerbating a country's vulnerability to climate, and the degree of executive bribery especially plays a crucial role in moderating the impacts of vulnerability to climate on civil conflict. However, of different aspects of democracy, freedom of academic and cultural expression has the most important moderating effect on conflict. What is striking is the role of socio-psychological vulnerability in transmitting the impacts of extreme climate and weather variations on civil conflict. Mainstream conflict theory has shown that institutional and economic conditions are the most important factors determining conflicts even though socio-psychological factors are meaningful contexts. However, this present study shows that socio-psychological vulnerability is more important than institutional and economic conditions in shaping civil conflict.

Based on two studies with Bosniak and Croatian students in Bosnia and Herzegovina, this paper analyzes the effects of religiosity on intergroup forgiveness and reconciliation. Both Christianity and Islam advance forgiveness and reconciliation as one of the major moral imperatives. Previous studies also indicate that religiosity can increase readiness to grant forgiveness on the inter-personal level and facilitate rapprochement. When it comes to inter-group level, prescripts of religious piety often conflict with norms of group solidarity and care. Another set of research suggests that religion obstructs conflict transformation due to the dogmatic reasoning it promotes, including reframing of immanent disputes in transcendental (and thus non-negotiable) terms. This study initially tested whether adding religious symbols to conflict narratives impacts prosocial attitudes of respondents and came with negative results. In other words, adding religious codes to already known narratives about conflicts did not have a significant impact on participants' attitudes. In a subsequent SEM analysis, it was found that religiosity in both groups is strongly correlated with group-centricity, which negatively mediates its relationship with both forgiveness and reconciliation. We conclude that collectivistic forms of religiosity that privilege ingroup solidarity might have negative effects on intergroup forgiveness and reconciliation in post-conflict settings.

Based on two studies with Bosniak and Croatian students in Bosnia and Herzegovina, this paper analyzes the effects of religiosity on intergroup forgiveness and reconciliation. Both Christianity and Islam advance forgiveness and reconciliation as one of the major moral imperatives. Previous studies also indicate that religiosity can increase readiness to grant forgiveness on the inter-personal level and facilitate rapprochement. When it comes to inter-group level, prescripts of religious piety often conflict with norms of group solidarity and care. Another set of research suggests that religion obstructs conflict transformation due to the dogmatic reasoning it promotes, including reframing of immanent disputes in transcendental (and thus non-negotiable) terms. This study initially tested whether adding religious symbols to conflict narratives impacts prosocial attitudes of respondents and came with negative results. In other words, adding religious codes to already known narratives about conflicts did not have a significant impact on participants' attitudes. In a subsequent SEM analysis, it was found that religiosity in both groups is strongly correlated with group-centricity, which negatively mediates its relationship with both forgiveness and reconciliation. We conclude that collectivistic forms of religiosity that privilege ingroup solidarity might have negative effects on intergroup forgiveness and reconciliation in post-conflict settings.

Does the occurrence of flood disaster increase the risk of communal conflict and if so, does trust in state political institutions mitigate the adverse effect? This study addresses these questions by studying the intervening effect of trust in local governmental institutions at a sub-national level. The effect of flood disasters on the risk of communal violence is expected to be contingent on peoples' trust that local political structures are able to address potential disputes between groups. Violent conflicts, in that sense, are neither inevitable nor directly determined by the occurrence of disasters. They largely depend on the context of a given society and political response to these external shocks. To test this expectation, the study uses survey data on trust in local state institutions in Sub-Saharan Africa from the Afrobarometer (2005–2018), combined with geo-referenced communal conflict and flood data. In line with theoretical expectations, results suggest that flood disasters are associated with communal violence only for administrative districts that are governed by distrusted local state institutions. Conversely, flood disasters tend to be negatively associated with the risk of communal clashes in the presence of highly trusted local government councils and (especially) trusted judicial courts. Changing model specifications and estimation techniques produces similar results. An out-of-sample cross-validation also shows that accounting for political variables, in addition to flood disasters, improves the predictive performance of the model.

The philosophical and political advantages tied to a break with Marxist thinking have been notable. With such a break with Marxism, economic and scientific determinism have been discounted – and it is in this sort of determinism that a classic critique of Marxism finds a reason for discrediting the Marxist-Leninist project. However, it seems the cost of totally abandoning Marxist thinking has not been sufficiently examined. This article seeks to remedy this with a comparative study of two philosophers' conceptions of conflict: Mouffe's perspective will be examined and compared to Castoriadis' view of radical democracy and its treatment of conflict. The paper seeks to show that a full break with Karl Marx weakens political radicalism. In other words, by opting for a perspective on conflict which fully renounces the Marxist view, Mouffe is doing away with both the idea of direct democracy and/or that of a revolutionary project. Her approach differs from that of Castoriadis who seeks, in some sense, to remain faithful to the emancipatory aspects of Marxian thought. ; Peer reviewed

Naciones Unidas estima que globalmente hay 300.000 niños y niñas soldados en conflictos. Según dicha organización en 2018 el reclutamiento de niños y niñas aumentó en varios países como en la República Centroafricana y República Democrática de Congo, y alcanzó cifras alarmantes en Sudán del Sur y Somalia. Sin embargo, ni la literatura académica ni la cobertura mediática han dedicado espacio suficiente a esta grave problemática, en especial cuando se trata de representar en los medios la realidad de las niñas soldado desde el enfoque de género. Esta investigación aborda el estudio de caso de la representación de las niñas soldado en dos conflictos africanos: Sudán del Sur y República Centroafricana. Para ello hace un análisis cualitativo de la cobertura de dichos conflictos en dos diarios considerados quality press: The Guardian y Le Monde, entre 2011-2017. Los resultados mostraron que la presencia discursiva de niñas soldado en los artículos analizados es muy limitada en comparación a los niños soldados, con un encuadre predominante de víctimas de abusos sexuales, y no en el rol de combatientes supuestamente masculino, y sin apenas cobertura de noticias positivas como los procesos de rehabilitación de estas niñas. ; The United Nations estimates there are 300,000 child soldiers in conflicts around the world. According to the UN, in 2018, recruitment of child soldiers increased in several countries, such as the Democratic Republic of Congo and the Central African Republic. Recruitment activities attained an alarming level in South Sudan and Somalia. However, academic literature and media have not devoted enough coverage to this critical issue, in particular with regard to child soldiers' media coverage from a gender perspective. This project sought to study girl soldiers' representation within the frame of two African conflicts: Southern Sudan and the Central African Republic. The study entailed a qualitative analysis of these conflicts in two quality newspapers: The Guardian and Le Monde from 2011 to 2017. The results showed that the discursive presence of girl soldiers in the articles analysed is very limited in comparison to that of boy soldiers. Girl soldiers are mainly represented as victims of sexual abuse rather than in the role of supposedly male combatants. In addition, minimal coverage relating to positive news, such as girls' rehabilitation processes, was also highlighted.

Brussels, por Rutger Velpius y Hubert Anthoine, 1614. ; Citation confidence: An exemplar has been referenced in a major analytical bibliography, or inspected book in hand, by a member of the Iberian Books project team or a collaborating institution. ; Citation/reference: IB: 20245

Brussels, Rutger Velpius y Hubert Anthoine, 1613. ; Citation confidence: The work may be genuine, but there is a heightened possibility that this works could be a bibliographical ghost. An exemplar may survive in only a single copy, or there may be no known surviving copy. ; Citation/reference: IB: 20244

Barcelona, en casa de Juan Amelló vendense en casa de José Andrés, 1609. ; Citation confidence: An exemplar has been cited in an established listing bibliography (such as Palau), or more than one copy is known to survive in more than one collection. ; Citation/reference: IB: 54826

This pamphlet relates an account of the military action near Joigny, 21 October 1615. The rebels surrender and accept service of the King. This is the best report of this conflict. ; Electronic reproduction ; 14, [1] p. ; 17 cm.

Comprehensive analysis of the French political situation since the Treaty of Pacification, May 1576, known as the Peace of Monsieur, which granted freedom of worship save within two leagues of Paris. The peace was short-lived and conflict between Huguenot and Catholic was thereafter renewed. Refers to the ascendancy of Henry, Duc de Guise and the role of Henry of Navarre. ; Electronic reproduction; 95 p. ; 17 cm.

The paper describes the permeation of the Croatian language with adjacent languages that were frequently used as languages of political domination or great prestige. The author speaks about the language power of the Croatian South and the Croatian North. In Europe, more precisely in West and Central Europe, there is hardly any other nation on whose territory so many languages were spoken as it is the case with Croatia, especially in its South. However, this fact did not prevent the Croats to become one united nation in the 19th century. The only language with which Croatian was in actual conflict was Hungarian

The Middle East and North Africa (MENA) region is the top destination for Russian food exports, grains in particular. Focusing on Turkey, Egypt, Iran, and Saudi Arabia, this chapter shows that Russia's food trade with MENA countries is strongly affected by bilateral political relations. Russia banned most food imports from Turkey over a political conflict in 2016. In the same year, improved intergovernmental cooperation with Saudi Arabia resulted in a diversification of Russia's food exports to the Gulf country, and in 2019, Iran's accession to the Eurasian Economic Union (EAEU) led to increasing food trade with Russia. Food imports in MENA countries are usually managed by powerful state trading enterprises (STEs), which recurrently disapprove food products originating from Russia based on non-adherence to food quality standards. Our analysis shows that Russia is successfully working to open additional destination markets, while simultaneously impeding imports of food products that it aims to produce domestically.

Abstract In Colombia, political decisions related to the countryside preserve an unjust social order, maintaining inequities and obstacles to the well-being and life quality of farmers. In this scenario the Territorial Arrangement Planning of the San Nicolas Valley, in the East of the department of Antioquia, has generated a series of rural conflicts that accentuate the vulnerabilities of rural residents, threatening the agricultural tradition in this subregion. Thus, this study inquired about the perceptions of legality in the peasant population of the area. A descriptive-correlational study with non-probabilistic sampling was carried out, including 380 peasants, members of civic-rural associations of the San Nicolas Valley, evaluating in four scales: beliefs, values, knowledge of the law and perceived legality in the context. Statistical analyses were performed in SPSS v.22 software. The findings indicated significant relationships between the study variables. Despite the state abandonment of the proletariat to market forces in an area with socioeconomic imbalances, no determining link was found between low income and violation of the law.

Dam Safety and dam incidents are treated here looked at from the "Human Factors" perspective. An attempt is made to explore these factors as an important drive in impairing dams' safety and increases their risks. Distinction is drawn between the "Normal Human Caused Incidents" and the "Extraordinary Human Caused Incidents" together with the description of their root origins and subsequent consequences. The first type includes unintentional mistakes, errors and flaws committed by the operators of dams inadvertently, in addition to negligence, lack of experience or overconfidence. Such failings can happen in manual operation of dams, or through the use of their Supervision, Control and Data Acquisition (SCADA) systems as in industrial control system (ICS). They can occur also due to flaws in software or even in the application of information and communication technology (ICT) in remote control operations. As for the second group; the extraordinary human factors, they are defined here as those committed by man with the full understanding of their possible damage. They are done purposely for destabilizing dams after thoughtful and carefully meditated decision making process and they are manifested in acts of war, sabotage and terrorists actions. In this modern age, these acts are characteristics of hackers' attacks on dam(s) operating systems. This is done through the use of cyberspace by the widespread interconnected digital technology with the accompanying advances in the communication technologies. As such, these technologies have made remote control of such systems possible. Not limited to this, dams remain now, as they were always in the past, the obvious targets in wars and conflicts to inflict losses on the enemy and to use them as weapons, and for terrorism actions for challenging governments. Examples of the aforementioned threats are described with examples given from real cases to elucidate the dangers involved. Lessons to be learned from these incidents are derived and recommendations are presented to be followed to avoid risky situations. ; Validerad;2020;Nivå 1;2020-09-29 (johcin)