There is a quite big progress in the area of education on acceptance and tolerance towards multiculturalism. The main supporter of politics of multiculturalism is Will Kymlicka, and therefore I refer to his thoughts in this essay. However, in contemporary socio-cultural situation of Western civilization, we need something more than the mere acceptance of cultural diversity. It is worth promoting educational programmes that include themes related to the raising of citizens' awareness of boundaries of self – both in the individual and group aspect. At the same time majority groups should be supported by some tools that would help them to protect their identities without harming others.
Following the outbreak of the conflict in Syria, the United States and Russian Federation became involved in the peace process aimed at stabilizing the internal situation. In the initial phase of this process, Russia introduced political plans to resolve the dispute, while successively blocking UNSC projects calling for the resignation of Bashar al-Assad. As a consequence of the changes that took place in Russia's foreign policy after the annexation of Crimea, it began conducting military activities aimed at ousting opposition forces from Syria and preventing the West from making any possible intervention. Due to the lack of a decisive response from the United States, within a few years the Syrian regime's offensive, militarily supported by Russia, reduced the opposition forces supported by the US to the defense. As a result of Russi's intense involvement in the process of resolving the Syrian conflict, this country has once again started to play a key role in the international arena. The conflict in Syria has highlighted the Russian government's aspirations to rebuild its state as a superpower.
The Republic of Kosovo was created several years after the breakup of the Socialist Federal Republic of Yugoslavia. Its problems were visible during Josip Broz Tito's presidency. Over the last ten years Kosovo has had two female presidents. The question is, what is the position of women on the Kosovan political scene? This phenomenon is particularly significant from the point of view of the post-conflict reconstruction of the state. The aim of this article is to analyse the evolution of the role of Kosovo Albanian women in the politics of Kosovo at the central level. For this reason, the article includes women involved in the armed conflict in Kosovo, especially in the activities of the Kosovo Liberation Army (KLA, alb. Ushtria Çlirimtare e Kosovës, UÇK). The author also presents the role of women in the Kosovan political arena since 1999, with particular emphasis on changes that took place after the declaration of independence of Kosovo. Furthermore, the author examines the profiles of selected female politicians. The article is based on an analysis of primary and secondary sources, the comparative and historical method, and an analysis of statistical data.
The article discusses the relationship between the occurrence of international conflicts and the desire of states to implement their own geopolitical interests. The key factor in the emergence of conflicts is the concept of an inter-civilization clash by Samuel Huntington, where the role of states in the formation of the international system is the trigger for decision-making. The author states that in modern conditions Russia defends its interests, which should not be perceived by other actors of international relations as a threat, but as competition.
The purpose of this article is to analyse the dynamics and variability of the conflict between the Russian Federation and Ukraine. As noted in the introduction, the term "conflict" refers to the state of bilateral relations between the two countries since 2014, nevertheless, for the analysis of the current state of the conflict, the key date is 24 February 2022. Since the start of the invasion, described by the Russians as a "special military operation", we have seen an increase in the dynamics and intensity of the conflict at all levels. The intensification of military operations has also affected the political, economic, and social spheres. Just when it seemed that the so-called "annexation referenda" would mark a new phase in the course of the conflict, and the scenario of a "Ukrainian version" of a low-intensity conflict would become more feasible, it turned out that the counteroffensive of the Armed Forces of Ukraine changed not only the situation on the frontline but also dynamized the other levels on which the conflict is taking place. This forced the author to update the analysed phenomenon. The article concludes with the constatation that we are in a "period of transition", and the coming winter may once again change the situation of both sides in the ongoing war. Celem artykułu jest analiza zmienności i dynamiki konfliktu pomiędzy Federacją Rosyjską i Ukrainą. Jak zaznaczono we wstępie, termin "konflikt" odnosi się do stanu stosunków dwustronnych pomiędzy tymi państwami od 2014 roku, niemniej jednak, dla analizy obecnego stanu konfliktu, kluczową datą jest 24 luty 2022 roku. Od rozpoczęcia inwazji określanej przez Rosjan "specjalną operacją militarną" obserwujemy wzrost dynamiki i intensywności konfliktu na wszystkich poziomach. Intensyfikacja działań militarnych wpłynęła także na sferę polityczną, ekonomiczną i społeczną. W momencie kiedy wydawało się, że tzw. "referenda aneksyjne" wyznaczą nową fazę przebiegu konfliktu i bardziej realny stanie się scenariusz "ukraińskiej wersji" konfliktu niskiej intensywności, okazało się, że kontrofensywa Sił Zbrojnych Ukrainy zmieniła nie tylko sytuację na froncie, ale też zdynamizowała pozostałe poziomy, na których ten konflikt się rozgrywa. Wymusiło to na autorze zaktualizowanie analizowanego zjawiska. Artykuł kończy się konstatacją stwierdzającą, iż znajdujemy się w "okresie przejściowym", a nadchodząca zima może po raz kolejny zmienić sytuację obu stron w toczącej się wojnie.
30 years after the tragic events in Vukovar, the Serb and Croatian communities live side by side, each cultivating their memory of their own tragedy and their own victims. The peaceful reintegration, that Croats are proud of, did not go hand in hand with building an atmosphere of reconciliation. No wonder then, that Vukovar is a model example of a divided city, where the mental divisions and psychological barriers affect its politics and everyday life. It seems that such a situation is favourable to politicians in Belgrade and Zagreb. One gets the impression that, as in 1991, Vukovar is becoming a victim of great politics and the clash of Serbian and Croatian nationalism.
In recent years, we have seen a wide range of forms of armed conflict, varying in scale, intensity, complexity, and duration, blurring the lines between war and peace. These and other conditions were the reason for undertaking research aimed at identifying scenarios for the development of the international security situation and scenarios for the use of the Polish Armed Forces in relation to threats of a military nature in our country's neighbourhood, in the region, and across the world. With this in mind, while conducting research on the above-mentioned issues, the article focused attention on a research problem which took the form of a question: How does the development of military threats and potential armed conflicts, including the one in Ukraine, affect the shaping of state security? The hypothesis took the form of an assumption that military threats and, consequently, armed conflicts are one of the main determinants of shaping state security. In the face of the threat of an armed conflict, states take actions to ensure their security, in particular, political, organisational, and modernisation activities, and above all, to increase their defence potential in view of war. The research was conducted in military universities, and the general population (N) included research and teaching staff. The research tool was a questionnaire posted on the MS Teams online platform, which is also used to educate students at military universities.
In: Rocznik Instytutu Europy Środkowo-Wschodniej; The Impact of the Russian Federation upon the countries of Central and Eastern Europe, Band 18, Heft 3, S. 49-71
The issue of the autocephaly of Ukrainian Orthodoxy has once again demonstrated that the concept of atheism and the fight against religion propagated by the communists did not bring the expected results. On the contrary, religion has become a factor that connects societies in the republics of the former USSR with the former metropolis, especially for Slavic and Orthodox populations. It should not come as a surprise, therefore, that the problem of the autocephaly of Ukrainian Orthodoxy has been exploited in the current Russian-Ukrainian dispute, described as a post-imperial hybrid war. The aim of this article is to show how both sides of the conflict are using the issue of the autocephaly of Ukrainian Orthodoxy.
System transitions taking place in Poland after 1989 entailed evolution in functioning of the public sphere, especially in relations of citizens and agencies representing them with administrative bodies. The formation of the civic society, an increase in the number of entities functioning in the public sphere, entering into various kinds of relations with administrative bodies and with similar organizations by such entities, diversification of the range of their activity, and at the same time their mutual dependence, have caused the negotiations to play more and more important role in such contacts. The article presents selected aspects of conflict and negotiations in the public sphere with the emphasis on factors bringing about typical difficulties. ; Zmiany systemowe zachodzące w Polsce po 1989 roku pociągają za sobą ewolucję w funkcjonowaniu sfery publicznej, zwłaszcza w relacjach obywateli i ich przedstawicielstw z organami administracji. Powstanie społeczeństwa obywatelskiego, wzrost ilości podmiotów działających w sferze publicznej, wchodzenie przez nie w różnego rodzaju relacje z organami administracji i sobą nawzajem, rozszerzanie zakresu ich aktywności a jednocześnie wzajemne uzależnienie sprawiają, iż coraz większą rolę w kontaktach tych pełnią negocjacje. Artykuł przedstawia wybrane aspekty konfliktu i negocjacji w sferze publicznej z naciskiem na uwarunkowania powodujące typowe trudności.
Zmiany systemowe zachodzące w Polsce po 1989 roku pociągają za sobą ewolucję w funkcjonowaniu sfery publicznej, zwłaszcza w relacjach obywateli i ich przedstawicielstw z organami administracji. Powstanie społeczeństwa obywatelskiego, wzrost ilości podmiotów działających w sferze publicznej, wchodzenie przez nie w różnego rodzaju relacje z organami administracji i sobą nawzajem, rozszerzanie zakresu ich aktywności a jednocześnie wzajemne uzależnienie sprawiają, iż coraz większą rolę w kontaktach tych pełnią negocjacje. Artykuł przedstawia wybrane aspekty konfliktu i negocjacji w sferze publicznej z naciskiem na uwarunkowania powodujące typowe trudności. ; System transitions taking place in Poland after 1989 entailed evolution in functioning of the public sphere, especially in relations of citizens and agencies representing them with administrative bodies. The formation of the civic society, an increase in the number of entities functioning in the public sphere, entering into various kinds of relations with administrative bodies and with similar organizations by such entities, diversification of the range of their activity, and at the same time their mutual dependence, have caused the negotiations to play more and more important role in such contacts. The article presents selected aspects of conflict and negotiations in the public sphere with the emphasis on factors bringing about typical difficulties.
The article explores Turkey's ambitions to assume a proactive role as a mediator in the ongoing Russia-Ukraine war. Positioned as a middle power striving to enhance its global standing, Turkey has dedicated itself to striking a delicate balance between Russia and Ukraine in its foreign policy. This is exemplified by Ankara's engagement in an ambiguous cooperative rivalry with Russia while strengthening its partnership with Ukraine, including military cooperation in the Black Sea Region. Given these circumstances, Turkey sees itself as naturally inclined to act as a facilitator in brokering a ceasefire and bringing about peace between the two conflicting parties. Some successes have already been achieved, with the grain initiative being a primary example thereof.
The primary purpose of this article is to explain the meaning and consequences of foreign fighters' participation from Western Balkan countries (WB6) in armed conflicts in Syria and Iraq. In the first part, the issue of foreign fighters is discussed in historical terms. The author focuses on the examples of the Soviet inva-sion of Afghanistan and the ethno-religious conflict in Bosnia and Herzegovina. In the second part of the text, the definition framework of foreign fighters' concept and its evolution towards foreign terrorist-fighters is dis-cussed. Then, a detailed analysis of the main problem is conducted, and several research questions are an-swered: 1) What is the scale of the phenomenon of Balkan volunteers (e.g., their number, the structure of origin, and others) in comparison to fighters from other regions? 2) What are their motivations and goals, and what are their recruitment process and ways of moving into the war zone? 3) What is the threat posed by returning fight-ers to the security of the Western Balkans, and how do individual states counteract this phenomenon? The au-thor uses mainly the following research methods: critical content analysis (literature, scientific articles, docu-ments, reports, press materials), and historical and comparative analysis. The author's visits to this country in 2018-2020 constituted an essential contribution to the part concerning the case of Kosovo.
The presented article is aimed at reflecting usage of mediation as a form of international conflicts settlement and at revealing its factors, at the example of the case of conflict in Abkhazia, Georgia. The article is a hypothesis on to what extend international or regional organizations act as effective mediators during mediation process. Attempt of conflict regulation and work of the mediation platform created after Russian-Georgian war are discussed.The theory discussing main variables for evaluating international mediation represented in mediation literature have been used for evaluating mediation factors. The article shows the level of mediation effectiveness in international conflicts, when it is not clear which are the conflicting sides; it shows that when there is an influential country, considering its capabilities, it has enough power to act as effective mediator, only in case if it does not have direct interest in the conflict.We have concluded that mediation can be effective only when it is clear which the conflicting sides are. It is considered that international organizations cannot be effective in conflict resolution when a conflict is in cold phase. ; The presented article is aimed at reflecting usage of mediation as a form of international conflicts settlement and at revealing its factors, at the example of the case of conflict in Abkhazia, Georgia. The article is a hypothesis on to what extend international or regional organizations act as effective mediators during mediation process. Attempt of conflict regulation and work of the mediation platform created after Russian-Georgian war are discussed.The theory discussing main variables for evaluating international mediation represented in mediation literature have been used for evaluating mediation factors. The article shows the level of mediation effectiveness in international conflicts, when it is not clear which are the conflicting sides; it shows that when there is an influential country, considering its capabilities, it has enough power to act as effective mediator, only in case if it does not have direct interest in the conflict.We have concluded that mediation can be effective only when it is clear which the conflicting sides are. It is considered that international organizations cannot be effective in conflict resolution when a conflict is in cold phase.
This paper analyses how conflict impacts social capital. The existing literature suggests that the social capital of a society which has experienced conflict or military operations will not be shaped in the same way as the social capital in an area where there were no such actions. Yet, there is disagreement on what the specific effects of a conflict are. This paper seeks to address this puzzle by comparing levels of social capital in Serbia and Poland. The research presented in this paper was conducted among two groups; the first, a group of respondents including young Serbs (18-24 years old) who, during the 1990s, survived hostilities on the territory of their country or grew up surrounded by people who were participating in military actions. The second group includes young Poles (aged 18-24), who as children, grew up in a society, which from 1995-2002 did not experience either conflict or military action. Significant research results include the following: in a society in which no conflict has occurred in the past, there is a higher level of social and political participation; the formation of bridging communities, trust in social actors from outside the immediate family, trust in institutions, and a greater sense of security in the neighbourhood.
Today, there is no doubt that the large-scale invasion of Ukraine by Russian troops in February 2022 represents just another phase of the Russo-Ukrainian War that has lasted for nine years. There are many aspects to this confrontation. The consequences of the war will affect the future of the world order. It will include such aspects as security, formation of new political blocs, force interaction of political regimes, the choice of state-building models by the countries, the art of war, the role of civil society, and strengthening of the informational component in the confrontation between states and their alliances. Russia-Iran has already emerged as one such aggressive alliance. In the article, the authors explain the phenomenon of the infodemic and one of its structural elements, the "vaccinodemic". The COVID-19 pandemic became a vivid example of the global clash of actors in international relations that implement conflicting ideologies – democratic or authoritarian rule in the social and political life of their states – and realize such aspects in foreign policy. The authors assert that the current situation in Ukraine, namely, the open military Russian invasion and the further aggravation of the security crisis, primarily in the European region, are only the next phase of an ideological confrontation that could be observed during the response to the COVID-19 pandemic by humanity. Now, this confrontation continues in a more aggressive, conventional format. Manifestations of the infodemic and its unique form, the "vaccinodemic", captured the essence of the global confrontation, which will determine international processes for decades. Namely, Russia's fight between democracy and authoritarianism has acquired neo-totalitarian characteristics. This fight will determine, in addition to other social phenomena, the structure and content of the global information space. It is noted that authoritarian regimes have shown some success in addressing the pandemic, which may aggravate the rivalry between democracy and authoritarianism, as the former will have to prove its effectiveness and long-term advantages.