Suchergebnisse

In Polish organizations one can recognize a lot of barriers in the mentoring implementation. According to the author, at the root of these barriers are hierarchies of values: social, national, organizational, and hierarchies of values represented by individual employees. The purpose of this article is to trace the sources of constraints in the mentoring implementation process. The analysis is carried out on several levels: from the broadest social perspective, through the national to the perspective of the organization. In the article, there are also presented actions that should be taken by Polish organizations to overcome barriers and constraints in the mentoring implementation process. ; W polskich organizacjach dostrzega się wiele barier we wdrażaniu mentoringu. Zdaniem autorki u podstaw tych barier leżą hierarchie wartości: społecznych, narodowych, organizacyjnych, a także indywidualne hierarchie wartości pracowników. Celem niniejszego artykułu jest prześledzenie źródeł ograniczeń we wdrażaniu mentoringu. Analiza prowadzona jest na kilku poziomach: od najszerszej perspektywy społecznej, przez narodową do perspektywy organizacyjnej. W artykule omówione są również działania, jakie powinny podjąć polskie organizacje na rzecz przełamywania barier i ograniczeń dla wprowadzania mentoringu.

The article is devoted to the analysis of factors that prevent or limit the development of broadly understood science. The following types of limitations have been distinguished: psychosocial, biological, political, resource barriers and the final nature of science. Biological barriers lie in human sensory endowment. Psychosocial barriers are determined by the conditions of the functioning of human societies. Resource barriers are constraints on economic and energy reserves. The problem of the scope of science is understood as the finite scope of the mysteries of science itself – the fact of a limited number of possible discoveries.

Scientific connections between Polish People's Republic and The Second Yugoslavia were a very important element of the bilateral relations between both countries. The mechanisms and rules of the scientific cooperation were similar to the rules and mechanisms of the cultural cooperation and faced the same constraints and possibilities. Types of institutions existing in the field of culture had their correspondences in the field of science and education. Developing of the scientific cooperation was not a strategic aim for both countries in the interwar period as well as during the Communism due to the situation on the international political scene. In the era of globalization, in the context of international scientific cooperation, interslavic relations has become the weakest in the last two centuries. Nowadays, even more than before, the scientific cooperation between all Slavic countries depends on individuals and their involvement. ; Scientific connections between Polish People's Republic and The Second Yugoslavia were a very important element of the bilateral relations between both countries. The mechanisms and rules of the scientific cooperation were similar to the rules and mechanisms of the cultural cooperation and faced the same constraints and possibilities. Types of institutions existing in the field of culture had their correspondences in the field of science and education. Developing of the scientific cooperation was not a strategic aim for both countries in the interwar period as well as during the Communism due to the situation on the international political scene. In the era of globalization, in the context of international scientific cooperation, interslavic relations has become the weakest in the last two centuries. Nowadays, even more than before, the scientific cooperation between all Slavic countries depends on individuals and their involvement.

Internet plays an increasingly important role in the political communication between citizens and institutions of the European Union. There are the potentials and constraints of the Internet in terms of mediating or facilitating the communication processes for citizens. The World Wide Web may contribute to the democratization of the Union. Nonetheless it appears that the right communication policy of the EU institutions is essential in this context. The results of content analysis of the European Commission's websites allowed to indicate main trends in the EU communications. Application of such techniques as simplifi cation, visualization, personalization, dramatization and polarization redounds to the changes in political communication in the EU. Prevalence of techniques that aim to increase communication attractiveness – being in thrall to the rules of marketing – may have a negative impact on civic participation in the political processes in the EU and also on the institution of European citizenship

The victory of the National Front Party led by Ms. Marine le Pen within the European Parliamentary Election in France by May 2014 raised the question whether or not it signals the end of the French left-right bipolarized party system. This option remains uncertain. The far-right party of the 45-year-old daughter of National Front founder, Jean-Marie Le Pen, gained new voters, deepening the national audience of the extremist party geographically and in the different categories of the population. But the still remaining French "presidentialist" constitutional political regime continues to operate under a strong constraint in favor of bipolarization. Meanwhile, the possible presence of Ms. Le Pen as the two-qualified opponent for the second round of the presidential election is currently determining, and will continue to determine for the next two years, the political strategies of the 2017 future running candidates and parties.

The victory of the National Front Party led by Ms. Marine le Pen within the European Parliamentary Election in France by May 2014 raised the question whether or not it signals the end of the French left-right bipolarized party system. This option remains uncertain. The far-right party of the 45-year-old daughter of National Front founder, Jean-Marie Le Pen, gained new voters, deepening the national audience of the extremist party geographically and in the different categories of the population. But the still remaining French "presidentialist" constitutional political regime continues to operate under a strong constraint in favor of bipolarization. Meanwhile, the possible presence of Ms. Le Pen as the two-qualified opponent for the second round of the presidential election is currently determining, and will continue to determine for the next two years, the political strategies of the 2017 future running candidates and parties.

There is a significant regulation concerning spa-towns and/or health resorts in Austria, the Czech Republic, Germany and Slovakia. In federal states (i.e. in Austria and Germany), this regulation is adopted at the federal and länder (i.e. regional) level, yet the latter one is definitely more intensive. The spa-related regulation in each state considered is meant to provide public warranty as to the quality of natural features of spa-towns or health resorts. In the same time, this regulation sets significant constraints with regard to the choice of development patterns available to spas. The resulting opportunity cost can, however, be covered by price premia chargeable in spas and by special taxes levied only in spas. The tax income arising from them, however, is earmarked as it can be designated for improvements of spa-related features and functions of a given town or site. In the countries considered, there is no specifically designed subvention scheme which could be used only by spa-towns or health resorts.

The main obstacles in the implementation of public policies emerge at the earlier stages of the agenda-setting and the formulation of goals due to institutional constraints. They comprise the ambiguities about the governing center and thus about the real actors of the public policy process. The government fully controls the legislation, although this results from a functional unity of the executive and the legislative powers rather than from formal regulations. The parliament gets deprived of its influence on public policy. The government, however, is not able to fulfill its functions, either. The evidence shows that the main actor in programming public policy is the administration, and the decision-taking process is dispersed among separate ministries without any real coordination and oversight. The law is an instrument of communicating decisions taken at the pre-legislative stage. The use of objective data and public consultations is occasional, although they could compensate for the declining role of the parliament. This makes the selection of proper policy instruments yet more difficult.

Referendum lokalne jest przykładem demokracji bezpośredniej. Jego istota zawiera się w powszechnym i bezpośrednim udziale uprawnionych obywateli w głosowaniu, z których każdy dysponuje jednym głosem, a decydujące znaczenie ma wola większości. Jego przeprowadzenie wymaga ustalenia rodzaju referendum (wiążące lub opiniodawcze) oraz prawidłowego sformułowania pytania referendalnego. Idea referendum lokalnego niesie ze sobą pewne ograniczenia: przedmiotowe i organizacyjne (zakłada pewną aktywność obywateli; często trudno o pełny racjonalizm w dokonywanym wyborze; sama formuła głosowania ogranicza pole dla ewentualnego kompromisu; przeprowadzenie wymaga czasu oraz wiąże się z koniecznością poniesienia znaczących kosztów). ; A local referendum is an example of direct democracy. Its essence is contained in the universal and direct participation of eligible citizens in voting in which everyone has one vote, and the willpower of the majority is decisive. Prior to a referendum it must be decided whether it will be binding or opinion-making while the questions to be asked in a referendum must be correctly formulated.The idea of a local referendum carries certain objective and organisational limitations (it assumes a certain initiative of citizens; the full rationalism of the choice made is not always obvious; and the voting formula limits the field to a possible compromise; it is also time consuming and it entails significant cost).

The article presents possible impact of the housing policy and the housing market on the situation of households during COVID-19. This impact was estimated as relatively small, with at least four levels of constraints with very different generality and scope and nature of the impact. These restrictions relate to the levels of the market paradigm of economic growth, housing policy understood in its strict sense, the positioning of households in complex socio-economic relations, and the investment and construction process. It was assumed that with the indicated restrictions, changes in the housing policy introduced in Poland in 2020 and 2021 and possible market reactions to them can only be considered in terms of the likely impact on households at an unknown time of the impact of the pandemic. Market reactions were illustrated with selected flow quantities regarding the number and investor structure of housing construction projects commenced after the year 2019. The aim of the paper is to signal and illustrate with available data the inadequacy of the current policy and mechanisms of the housing market in Poland. The general method of elaboration is based on querying, analyzing, and evaluating the up-to-date information in this regard from available sources.

The main obstacles in the implementation of public policies emerge at the earlier stages of the agenda-setting and the formulation of goals due to institutional constraints. They comprise the ambiguities about the governing center and thus about the real actors of the public policy process. The government fully controls the legislation, although this results from a functional unity of the executive and the legislative powers rather than from formal regulations. The parliament gets deprived of its influence on public policy. The government, however, is not able to fulfill its functions, either. The evidence shows that the main actor in programming public policy is the administration, and the decision-taking process is dispersed among separate ministries without any real coordination and oversight. The law is an instrument of communicating decisions taken at the pre-legislative stage. The use of objective data and public consultations is occasional, although they ; Bariery w realizacji polityki publicznej pojawiają się na długo przed przystąpieniem do jej wdrażania. Wadliwe instytucje utrudniają właściwą identyfikację problemów i formułowanie polityki. Głównym problemem jest brak określenia centrum decyzyjnego, będącego głównym podmiotem odpowiedzialnym za tworzenie polityki publicznej. Funkcjonalne splecenie władzy ustawodawczej i wykonawczej pozbawia parlament wpływu na kształt polityki publicznej. Również rząd nie pełni przypisanej mu funkcji prowadzenia polityki. Dane z badań świadczą o przejęciu tej funkcji przez resorty i braku koordynacji działań legislacyjnych. Prawo jest instrumentem komunikowania wcześniej podjętych decyzji. Nie wykorzystuje się obiektywnej wiedzy ani konsultacji społecznych, które mogłyby równoważyć malejącą rolę parlamentu. Utrudnia to dobranie właściwychinstrumentów realizacji polityki.

Hungary has a unitary government system with 19 counties, 23 "cities with county rank" and about 3200 local (municipal) governments. The financial architectureof local governments is quite complicated and budget constraints are "halfway" between soft and hard. After an early and temporary "municipal bond boom" in the middle of 1990's, the size of indebtedness started to increase considerably, first in 2002. By the end of 2011 the size of financial obligations deriving from local borrowing amounted more than 4.7% of GDP.The paper is aimed at examining factors that might have been behind indebtedness and tries to separate the effect of internal and external variables for the period between 1990 and 2011. According to the results of the empirical analysis local authorities' borrowing activity cannot be explained only with help of quantitative macro-economical indicators such as total sub-national revenues, expenditures, CPI and GDP.Namely, the formation of debt was mainly determined by behaviour patterns of local governments and byrandom (unforeseeable) shocks caused by changes in central regulation. The short term patterns in borrowing attitude are due to the four-year long election cycle of local representatives while adapting to random shock happens quickly within one year. Four different time-phases (periods) can be determined, which can be described by different characteristics and makes explanation for the formation of local debt: Early development of subnational debt markets (1990-1995); restriction (1996-1997); moderate growth (1998-2006); municipal bond-boom (2007-2010).

Increasing conflicts between Russia and Europe, mutual economic and commercial sanctions due to conflicts with its neighbours may in the future lead to supply constraints and access to natural resources in the Russian Federation. Through the complete control of transmission channels on European territory, acquisition of a majority interest or full control of distributors in neighbouring countries and the European Union's full dependence on Russian energy and environmental impacts, Russia wants to gain a dominant position not only in the region but in the international arena (global).Developing unconventional methods of extracting oil, as well as taking over the largest Russian energy corporations overseas refineries, the latest technology, knowledge and skills allows the Russian Federation to pursue a policy of expansion into new territories rich energy resources, such as the Arctic and the restoration of the lost positions superpower using energy resources. The conflict in Ukraine, the crisis in the Crimea and the ensuing superimposed on each other sanctions require serious approach to the issue of energy security in the European Union. ; Publikacja recenzowana ; Narastające konflikty miedzy Rosją a Europą, wzajemne sankcje ekonomiczne i gospodarcze wywołane konfliktami z sąsiadami mogą w przyszłości doprowadzić do ograniczenia dostaw i dostępu do surowców naturalnych z Federacji Ro-syjskiej. Poprzez pełną kontrolę kanałów przesyłowych na terytorium Europy, przejęcie większości udziałów lub pełną kontrolę dystrybutorów w państwach sąsiadujących oraz pełne uzależnienie Unii Europejskiej od rosyjskiego czynnika energetycznego Rosja chce uzyskać dominującą pozycje nie tylko w regionie, lecz na arenie międzynarodowej (globalnej). Rozwijanie niekonwencjonalnych metod wydobycia ropy naftowej, a także przejmowanie przez największe rosyjskie koncerny energetyczne zagranicznych rafinerii, najnowszych technologii, wiedzy i umiejętności pozwala realizować Federacji Rosyjskiej politykę ekspansji na nowe terytoria bogate w surowce energetyczne, takie jak Arktyka, oraz odbudowę utraconej pozycji supermocarstwa przy pomocy surowców energetycznych. Konflikt na Ukrainie, kryzys na Krymie i związane z tym nałożone wzajemnie na siebie sankcje nakazują poważnie podejść do kwestii bezpieczeństwa energetycznego w Unii Europejskiej.

Power has been one of the key issues in the study of international relations since the famous words of Hans Morgentau that in world politics power is pitted against power for supremacy and survival. The attention given to its analysis within the last 65 years has been a product of such as Morthenthau's understandings of power which see it as the most important causal force in state interactions. However, despite the amount of research on the subject, there is little agreement among scholars as to what it is and where does it come.The author briefly examines various views on the determinants of power starting from a classical realist and strictly actor-based one to a dualist approach which emphasizes the importance of international structure. He finds that all share a similar idea that power — to some extent — comes from the material capabilities of states (material determinants). Building upon previous research conducted on the validity of the democratic peace theory he then argues that it may also stem from the political system of the state (systemic determinants).Subsequently the author analyzes the significance of various material and systemic power determinants to war outcomes using nine diff erent non-linear econometric models (polynomial logit) composed of various sets of variables relating to power determinants. He then examines the degree to which particular models explain war outcomes of interstate military conflicts between 1816 and 1991 and which of the variables seem statistically significant.The results clearly show that neither the advantage in military personnel numbers, nor in the amount of money spent on arms influences the state's chances of victory. In the case of the total value of imports the findings are similar. On the other hand the value of the states exports, as well as certain systemic parameters such as competitiveness and openness of executive recruitment and executive constraints prove to be of statistical importance.

Power has been one of the key issues in the study of international relations since the famous words of Hans Morgentau that in world politics power is pitted against power for supremacy and survival. The attention given to its analysis within the last 65 years has been a product of such as Morthenthau's understandings of power which see it as the most important causal force in state interactions. However, despite the amount of research on the subject, there is little agreement among scholars as to what it is and where does it come.The author briefly examines various views on the determinants of power starting from a classical realist and strictly actor-based one to a dualist approach which emphasizes the importance of international structure. He finds that all share a similar idea that power — to some extent — comes from the material capabilities of states (material determinants). Building upon previous research conducted on the validity of the democratic peace theory he then argues that it may also stem from the political system of the state (systemic determinants).Subsequently the author analyzes the significance of various material and systemic power determinants to war outcomes using nine diff erent non-linear econometric models (polynomial logit) composed of various sets of variables relating to power determinants. He then examines the degree to which particular models explain war outcomes of interstate military conflicts between 1816 and 1991 and which of the variables seem statistically significant.The results clearly show that neither the advantage in military personnel numbers, nor in the amount of money spent on arms influences the state's chances of victory. In the case of the total value of imports the findings are similar. On the other hand the value of the states exports, as well as certain systemic parameters such as competitiveness and openness of executive recruitment and executive constraints prove to be of statistical importance.