Suchergebnisse

Schools in general carry the fundamental responsibility of moulding and transforming society to meet the dynamic inherent. Under the scenario, it becomes immensely relevant to challenge the underpinning processes for the sustainable growth and development of any nation. The research work explores the concept of critical constructivism, in the light of Paulo Freire's philosophy to support the pertinent and ostensible transformation desired. The study develops the self-assessment framework to evaluate the preparedness of schools towards a critically constructivist classroom. The developed framework was implemented in schools of different governance to evaluate the current proposition in the context. The self-assessment framework establishes credential credibility through quality process viability assessment. The results of the study reflect upon the gaps and way forward to enable critically constructivist classrooms.

AbstractConstructivist political theory, championed most prominently by John Rawls, builds up a conception of justice from the minimal requirements of political life. It has two powerful attractions. It promises a kind of civic unity in the face of irresolvable differences about the good life. It also offers a foundation for human rights that is secure in the face of those same differences. The very parsimony that is its strength, however, deprives it of the resources to condemn some atrocities. Because it focuses on the political aspect of persons, it has difficulty cognizing violence done to those aspects of the person that are not political, preeminently the body. Constructivism thus can be only a part of an acceptable theory of justice.

B. Katznelson was the author of the most comprehensive, analytical, intellectual, & humanistic interpretation of the Eastern European labor movement. The Zionists among whom socialist Zionism originated opposed Judaism's formal & institutional expressions, & sought to create a new form of Judaism through ownership of land. This led to the approach defined by Katznelson as revolutionary constructivism, carried out by pioneer cadres, communal settlement, & consolidation of agricultural unions. This led to the formation of Achdut Haavoda Party, the Third Aliya, Histadrut, & Mapai, & thus toward the attainment of statehood. In this process, tension developed between proponents of centralism & decentralism. The chief opposition to Mapai's centralism emerged from the kibbutz movement. Despite Katznelson's criticism of the kibbutz, it has made Israel's pluralism more effective. W. H. Stoddard.

The article is devoted to the problems of civilizational analysis of Russian his­tory. The author shows, that the "civilizational method" is not at all a panacea for ideologized unprofessionalism and a guarantee of scientific correctness. The ma­jor authors in the field of Russian history avoided using the concept of "civiliza­tion", and spoke either about Russian state (Karamzin, S. Solovyov), or about Russian people(Polevoy), or about Slavic cultural and historical type (Dani­levsky). This proves that operating with the philosophically rich concept of "civ­ilization" is fraught with its own limitations and costs, in addition to the tempta­tions and some analytical advantages. The author believes that when using the concept of "Russian civilization", it is necessary to take into account the pres­ence in our culture of a large layer of "ironic literature" on the topic of excessive generalizations: "History of the Village Goryukhino" by Pushkin, "History of the city [Glupov]" by Saltykov-Shchedrin, "History of the Village Brehov" by Mozhaev, etc. The author, relying on the typology of civilizations by A. Toyn­bee, N. Berdyaev and his own developments (since the 1980s), believes that the civilizational process in Russia took place, firstly, in the mode of "continuity through catastrophes", and, secondly, it took place not only in confrontation with other civilizations, but also in a struggle with its own, internal "barbarism".

Since Ukraine gaining independence in 1991, parties supporting close cooperation with the Russian Federation have been an integral part of the Ukrainian political scene. Nevertheless, after the Revolution of Dignity, the annexation of Crimea and the ongoing Russian-Ukrainian war, it would seem that their influence will steadily decline. Nevertheless, the recent parliamentary election shows a reverse tendency, and the Opposition Platform - For Life, political party founded in 2018, headed by former members of the Party of Regions and persons closely connected to Vladimir Putin, managed to defeat national-democratic parties. In this paper, the Author tries to answer the question, using the theory of linguistic constructivism, how the Opposition Platform - For Life is regaining its influence in the new political reality in Ukraine, analyzing the genesis of pro-Russian parties since independence, their political programs and narratives in the media environment, which were and are created by pro-Russian parties.

AbstractConstructivist approaches have made a substantial contribution to our understanding of the European Union's security and defence policy, but their ability to explain and forecast change has suffered from neglecting the link between material structures and ideas. This article attempts to 'solidify' constructivism by drawing on realist thought to elaborate a theoretical argument about how material and ideational factors are interrelated and offers four propositions about how changes in material conditions affect the ideational dimension of defence co‐operation.

Constructivist approaches have made a substantial contribution to our understanding of the European Union's security and defence policy, but their ability to explain and forecast change has suffered from neglecting the link between material structures and ideas. This article attempts to 'solidify' constructivism by drawing on realist thought to elaborate a theoretical argument about how material and ideational factors are interrelated and offers four propositions about how changes in material conditions affect the ideational dimension of defence co-operation. Adapted from the source document.

The rise of new players — neoconservatives — to the leading positions in the Republican Party and American politics on the whole during the years of Ronald Reagan's presidency spurred a reaction from far-right intellectuals, who united in a movement called "paleoconservatism". Although this movement was not able to secure any important victories in the political field, its representatives made a significant contribution to the revival of the republican ideological tradition, having produced a rich intellectual legacy, which still remains relatively understudied. The article attempts to partially fill this gap by reconstructing the paleoconservative identity on the basis of the methodology of social constructivism. Searching for an answer to the question of who paleoconservatives are, the authors analyze the ideals and guidelines put forward by paleoconservatives as well as the set of principles they oppose. The conducted research shows that the identity of paleoconservatives includes two components. Its "positive" component is based on the partial identification with the agenda that the American right defended in the 1930s— 1950s, and its "negative" component is based on opposing themselves to neoconservatives and right-wing mainstream. According to the authors' conclusion, paleoconservatism, being aimed at undermining the tacit consensus that developed in the United States between the center-right and center-left elites, de facto represents a struggle to define the essence of the American conservatism. Positioning true conservatism as anti-liberal, anti-(social)- democratic, anti-egalitarian, and anti-statist, paleoconservatives reject more moderate right-wing movements as blurring the boundaries of the conservative identity.

The paper compares Pierre Bourdieu?s sociological approach with the one
developed by Peter Berger and Thomas Luckmann. The aim of the paper is to
identify the complementarities and incongruences of these approaches. The
main similarity consists in the intention to ?dialectically? overcome/bridge
the gap between ?objectivism? and ?subjectivism? in social theory. Another
parallel includes a negative attitude towards the relativistic tendencies of
postmodernism. These authors share the thematization of: the body as a locus
of social influences, the centrality of language in social life, the social
functions of knowledge, and the importance of power in social relations.
Differences in theorizing are attributed to the different intellectual,
theoretical, and socio-cultural contexts in which these scientists operated.
The divergences of these theoretical approaches become evident when one
examines the different meaning and significance attached to the concepts of
individuation, structure, action, habitus and habitualization, structure of
relevance and relation of common-sense and scientific knowledge. Finally,
there is a visible difference in political views: Bourdieu was a critic
?from the left,? while Berger and Luckmann were self-proclaimed liberal
conservatives.