Pregled razvoja pravaške ideologije i politike: An overview of the development of rightist ideology and politics
In: Časopis za suvremenu povijest: Journal of contemporary history, Band 50, Heft 3, S. 583-621
ISSN: 0590-9597
In: Časopis za suvremenu povijest: Journal of contemporary history, Band 50, Heft 3, S. 583-621
ISSN: 0590-9597
World Affairs Online
Sintagma energetska sigurnost toliko je često korištena da se čini jasnom i razumljivom. To je samo privid, jer je njezina upotreba ustvari kontroverzna, često i preholistička, što upućuje na nedovoljnu razvijenost koncepta. Pod pojmom energetske sigurnosti raspravlja se o najrazličitijim pitanjima, koje na okupu drži pojam "energija" kao zajednički nazivnik. U ovome se radu polazi od toga da je aktualni rast važnosti koncepta posljedica nove uloge koju je plinska trgovina između EU-a i RF-a dobila nakon 2000., kao svojevrsna eksternalija njezina korištenja u politici moći, njezine politizacije i pokušaja sekuritizacije. Pokazat će se da je koncept uvriježen semantički konstrukt, no analitički prazan – pokriven je sektorom ekonomske, još više (vanjsko)političke sigurnosti. Razjašnjenje i redefiniranje koncepta energetske sigurnosti u aktualnom kontekstu pridonosi boljem teorijskom definiranju i dubljem razumijevanju empirijskih posljedica korištenja koncepta, koji već kao diskurzivna praksa određuje što se smatra problemom i može otežati ekonomsku suradnju. ; The term 'energy security' has been so ubiquitous that it seems transparent and understandable. But that is just an illusion – the usage of the term is controversial, often too holistic, indicating underdevelopment of the concept itself. Most diverse questions have been discussed under the term 'energy security' – they are, however, bound together only by the term 'energy' as their common denominator. In this paper, it is assumed that this concept is currently growing in importance as the consequence of a new role assigned to the gas trade between the EU and the Russian Federation since 2000, as an externality of the use of this trade in power politics, of its politicization and attempts at securitization. It will be shown that this concept is a semantically ingrained construct; as an analytical concept it is empty – its meaning is already contained in the economic security sector, and even more so in the (foreign) political security sector. Explication and redefinition of the concept of energy security in the current context contribute to the improvement of theoretical delineation and deeper understanding of empirical implications of its usage. As a discursive practice, the concept determines what is to be considered a problem, and it may cause difficulties in economic cooperation.
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In: Časopis za suvremenu povijest: Journal of contemporary history, Band 53, Heft 2, S. 489-516
ISSN: 0590-9597
World Affairs Online
U ovome broju časopisa Etnološka tribina objavljujemo temat koji problematizira turizam – njegove aktere, politike i procese – kako one koji oblikuju i usmjeravaju turizam tako i one koje turizam stvara i pokreće. Radovi u tematu bave se različitim vizijama i strategijama turističkog razvoja (Antonio Miguel Nogués-Pedregal, Raúl Travé-Molero i Daniel Carmona-Zubiri); primjenom načela stvaranja doživljaja u suvremenim muzejskim postavima (Daniela Angelina Jelinčić i Matea Senkić); vezom tradicijske prehrane, okusa i nostalgije u istarskim agroturizmima (Tanja Kocković Zaborski); oblikovanjem memorijalnih mjesta bitki na Soči u Prvom svjetskom ratu i posjetima tim lokalitetima u međuratnom razdoblju (Petra Kavrečič); okolišnim, društvenim i političko-ekonomskim procesima koji utječu na baštinu i turizam na Zlarinu i u Trenti (Peter Simonič); životom Danice Brössler u Dubrovniku kao primjerom turističkih aktivnosti pojedinaca (Tihana Petrović Leš). ; The thematic section of this year's issue of Etnološka tribina problematises tourism and its actors, politics and processes – both those which shape and direct tourism, and those which are created and sparked by tourism. The articles deal with different visions and strategies of tourist development (Antonio Miguel Nogués-Pedregal, Raúl Travé-Molero and Daniel Carmona-Zubiri); the application of the principles of experience creation in contemporary museum displays (Daniela Angelina Jelinčić and Matea Senkić); the relationships between traditional food, tastes and nostalgia in Istrian agrotourism (Tanja Kocković Zaborski); the construction of the memorial sites of the Soča front in WWI and visits to those sites in the interwar period (Petra Kavrečič); environmental, social and political-economic processes which influence heritage and tourism on Zlarin Island and in the Trenta Valley (Peter Simonič); and the life of Danica Brössler in Dubrovnik as an example of an individual's tourist activities (Tihana Petrović Leš).
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U članku se analiziraju načini na koje odabrani suvremeni umjetnici iz Rumunjske, Hrvatske i Srbije koriste vizualni jezik arhitektonskih maketa u svome radu. Nakon prikaza povijesti arhitektonskih maketa autorica se u prvim dvama dijelovima članka bavi umjetnicima koji koriste makete muzejâ suvremenih umjetnosti (Zlatko Kopljar, Radoš Antonijević, subREAL, Călin Dan, Iosif Kiraly, Mihai Balko i Irina Botea). Naglašava se razlika između muzeja suvremenih umjetnosti u post-socijalističkim zemljama i globalnih "muzeja moći" kao što su MoMA, Tate Modern ili Guggenheim. Treći dio članka bavi se dokumentarnim aspektom arhitektonskih maketa i dovodi radove Lane Stojićević u vezu s konceptom dokumentaliteta Hito Steyerl. Ističe se kako su makete, kao i sama arhitektura, označitelji ideologija, politika i društava koji ih grade. Suvremeni umjetnici često se bave zgradama koje su u procesu tranzicije izmijenjene, revitalizirane ili uništene, i stoga arhitektonske makete uključene u procese suvremene umjetnosti zahtijevaju dublju analizu. ; The paper analyses the ways in which selected contemporary artists from Romania, Croatia, and Serbia use the visual language of architectural scale models in their work. After presenting the history of architectural models, the first two parts of the paper focus on artists who use scale models of museums of contemporary art (Zlatko Kopljar, Radoš Antonijević, subREAL, Călin Dan, Iosif Kiraly, Mihai Balko, and Irina Botea). They emphasize the difference between museums of contemporary art in post-socijalist countries and the global "power-museums" such as MoMA, Tate Modern, or Guggenheim. The third part of the paper focuses on the documentary aspect of architectural models and relates Lana Stojićević's works to Hito Steyerl's concept of documentality. It is argued that the scale models, as architecture itself, are signifiers of the ideologies, politics, and societies that build them. Contemporary artists often focus on buildings that have been changed, revitalised, or destroyed in the transition process, and for this reason architectural models require a deeper analysis when included within contemporary art practices.
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Tema ovog diplomskog rada je razmotriti određene političke aspekte Međunarodne nogometne federacije (FIFA-e) kroz okvire institucija, njihovog međuodnosa, probleme klijentelizma i korupcije te način na koji obliku FIFA-u. Također se nastoje ispitati korijeni samog nastanka FIFA-e te razvijanja organizacije koja u sve učestalijim slučajevima izlazi izvan okvira udruge kako je službeno definirana te kroz takvo djelovanje postaje organizacijom koja igra ozbiljnu ulogu na sceni međunarodnih odnosa. FIFA kao organizacija je globalni akter te putem utjecajnih kanala oblikuje politike oko nas. Tome za zahvaliti je činjenica što je nogomet ima toliko visoku razinu popularnosti u svijetu da ga se ne može smatrati samo igrom, već katalizatorom politike. Zbog intenzivnog razvoja u relativno kratkom roku, FIFA nije razvijala svoju unutarpolitički sustav te zbog toga došla do zida zbog kojeg uništava samu sebe iskorištavanjem loše definiranih međuinstitucijskih odnosa. Ona ima različite učinke kako na nogomet, tako i na društvo što često dovodi do nesrazmjera i izrazito polariziranoj slici FIFA-e u javnosti. U ovom radu možemo razaznati zašto je FIFA toliko jedinstven pojam kada govorimo o politici i međunarodnim odnosima, s obzirom na to da je njezina moć koju legitimno posjeduje izuzetno diskutabilan pojam. Kroz definiciju političkih aspekata FIFA-e, nastojim istražiti izlazi li FIFA iz okvira udruge civilnog društva, ponajviše zbog sve učestalijih slučajeva korupcije, klijentelizma, ali i pojave organiziranog kriminala. ; The topic of this thesis is to consider certain political aspects of the International Football Federation (FIFA) through the framework of institutions, their interrelationships, problems of clientelism and corruption, and the way in which they shape FIFA. This thesis tries also to examine the roots of the very origin of FIFA and the development of an organization that in more and more cases goes outside the framework of an association as FIFA is officially defined. Through such activities, FIFA becomes ...
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In: Politicka misao, Band 31, Heft 4, S. 50-56
The author reminds us that only after the Second Vatican Council did Catholicism change its reserved stance regarding contemporary politics & economy by starting to advocate a more positive political involvement of Catholic laity. However, it can be said that the political activism of Catholics confined to Christian-Democratic parties came to grief. This has been not solely the consequence of the ethical decadence of Christian Democratic politicians but also of increased secularization, which calls for a variety of forms of political activism on the part of Christians. Regarding the structuring of economy, the author goes along with the widespread belief in the superiority of capitalism over a totalitarian communist economy. At the same time, however, Christianity cannot accept "rampant capitalism" nor accept profit as the sole measure of good economic management, but must voice its views for social & humanistic correctives. Adapted from the source document.
Rad istražuje načine na koje su rodni odnosi izraženi kroz specifičnu komunikativnu infrastrukturu grada – nazive javnih prostora i urbane plastike – čija svrha, tvrdimo, nadilazi funkcionalnu (orijentir; komemoracija verzije nacionalne povijesti) i su-određuje odnose moći u sferi roda. Analizirajući obrasce označavanja, oblikovanja i pozicioniranja imena, ploča i spomenika u Zagrebu, kombinacijom statističke obrade, mapiranja i istraživačke šetnje, pokazujemo da urbano znakovlje glavnog grada Hrvatske, u vremenu širenja debate o rodnoj ravnopravnosti, zadržava dominantno patrijarhalno uređenje koje je nasljeđeno iz perioda posvemašnjeg rasta, s kraja 19./početka 20. i sredinom 20. stoljeća, i znatno preferira muškarce kao aktere i tumače javnog prostora i povijesti. Usvojena prostorna analiza obuhvaća ne samo učestalost nego i prostornu distribuciju te tipove reprezentacije žena u urbanom znakovlju (imena, ploče, spomenici) Zagreba. Dobiveni rezultati propituju se pod lupom kritičke i konstruktivističke škole kulturnih studija i kontekstualiziraju procesima medijske posredovanosti gradova i urbanog života tranzicijskih društava. ; This paper investigates the ways in which gender relations are articulated through a particular communicative urban infrastructure, such as names of public spaces and public art. We argue that their selective design and distribution suggest meanings beyond functional purposes (to serve as orientation points or as national commemorative sites) and co-constitute gendered power relations. Reading the patterns of signification, formulation and positioning of names, plaques and statues in Zagreb, through our raft of statistical analysis, mapping, and ethnographic walks, we show that the urban signage of the capital of Croatia, in a time of increased debates about gender equality and identity, continues to uphold the patriarchy inherited from earlier periods of city growth, namely the late 19th/early 20th centuries and mid-20th century. Our spatial analysis concerns not only the frequency but also spatial distribution and forms of representation of women in the names of public spaces and commemorative plaques and statues. The research presented here suggests that Zagreb's public urban signage significantly prefers men to women as actors in public space and nation's history. We discuss our findings from the perspective of critical and constructivist approaches in cultural studies and contextualise them with reference to the ways in which contemporary urban spaces are said to be 'mediated cities'.
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Radom se nastoji uspostaviti veza između Kantove etike i etike sporta povezivanjem koncepcije anthropocena, kao suvremene epohe tijekom koje prirodna povijest postaje kulturnom povijesti, s etikom nade, kako je predstavljena u Kantovoj Kritici rasudne snage. Ključan je moment Kantova argumenta da je biranje kulture ispravan put ljudskog razvitka prema civilnom društvu i kozmopolitskom jedinstvu. Je li sport takva kultura? Može li sport postati važan moment u suvremenoj etici nade? Odgovor je uvjetno pozitivan jer postoje određene prepreke. Prvo, jedan je od razloga za to inauguriranje olimpijskog sporta u svrhe održavanja ravnoteže u društvenim sukobima. Da je takvo što ostvarivo sugerira nam da bi hijerarhijski poredak izvrsnosti u sportskom natjecanju osnažio društvenu hijerarhiju. Drugo, sport je jedna od najpopularnijih i najprofitabilnijih globalnih zabava, no njime upravlja aristokratska elita s iznimnim potencijalom za zloupotrebu moći. Treće, globalni organizatori sporta imaju mnogo političke moći skrivene iza olimpijske mantre o isključivanju politike iz sporta. ; The paper aims to establish a link between Kant's ethics and the ethics of sport by connecting the concept of Anthropocene as the contemporary epoch during which natural history is becoming cultural history and the ethics of hope as presented in Kant's The Critique of Judgement. The crucial moment in Kant's argument is that choosing culture is the proper way of human progress towards civil society and cosmopolitan unity. Is sport this kind of culture? Can sport become an important moment in the contemporary ethics of hope? The answer is conditionally positive because there are obstacles present. Firstly, one of the reasons is that the modern Olympic sport was inaugurated to keep social conflicts in balance. That this purpose can be achieved suggests that the hierarchical order of excellence involved with sport competition should strengthen social hierarchies. Secondly, sport is one of the most popular and most profitable global entertainments, but it is governed by aristocratic elites with the enormous potential for the abuse of power. Thirdly, global sports organisations have a lot of political power hidden behind the Olympic mantra of the exclusion of politics from the sport. ; Cet article tente d'établir un lien entre l'éthique kantienne et l'éthique du sport à travers le concept d'Anthropocène, en tant qu'époque contemporaine au sein de laquelle l'histoire naturelle devient l'histoire culturelle, mais également à travers l'éthique de l'espoir, telle qu'elle est présentée dans la Critique de la faculté de juger de Kant. Le moment charnière de l'argumentation kantienne pose que la culture est le chemin de l'évolution humaine qui mène à la société civile et à l'unité cosmopolitique. Le sport est-il une culture de la sorte ? Le sport peut-il devenir un moment important au sein de l'éthique contemporaine de l'espoir ? La réponse est positive sous réserve d'un ensemble de conditions puisqu'il existe un certain nombre d'obstacles : premièrement, le sport olympique a été inauguré dans le but de maintenir les conflits sociaux en équilibre. Pour qu'un tel projet se réalise, cela suggère que l'ordre hiérarchique d'excellence dans la compétition sportive pourrait renforcer la hiérarchie sociale ; deuxièmement, bien qu'il soit régi par une élite aristocratique qui détient en son sein un énorme potentiel d'abus de pouvoir, le sport est l'un des divertissements mondiaux les plus populaires et profitables ; troisiè- mement, les organisations mondiales du sport possèdent un pouvoir politique qui se dissimule derrière les slogans olympiques qui revendiquent l'exclusion du politique dans le sport. ; Das Paper zielt darauf ab, eine Verbindung zwischen Kants Ethik und der Ethik des Sports herzustellen, indem es die Konzeption des Anthropozäns als zeitgenössische Epoche, während welcher Naturgeschichte zur kulturellen Geschichte wird, und die Ethik der Hoffnung, wie sie in Kants Kritik der Urteilskraft dargestellt wird, miteinander verknüpft. Das entscheidende Moment in Kants Argumentation ist, dass die Wahl der Kultur der richtige Weg des menschlichen Fortschritts zur Zivilgesellschaft und zur kosmopolitischen Einheit ist. Ist Sport eine solche Kultur? Kann Sport zu einem wichtigen Moment in der zeitgenössischen Ethik der Hoffnung werden? Die Antwort ist lediglich unter Vorbehalt positiv, da Hindernisse vorhanden sind. Erstens ist einer der Gründe dafür, dass der moderne olympische Sport ins Leben gerufen wurde, um soziale Konflikte im Gleichgewicht zu halten. Dass dieser Zweck erreicht werden kann, legt nahe, dass die hierarchische Reihenfolge der Spitzenleistungen im Sportwettbewerb die sozialen Hierarchien stärken würde. Zweitens ist Sport eine der beliebtesten und profitabelsten Unterhaltungsformen der Welt, die allerdings von aristokratischen Eliten mit einem enormen Potenzial für Machtmissbrauch beherrscht wird. Drittens haben globale Sportorganisationen hinter dem olympischen Mantra des Ausschlusses der Politik aus dem Sport reichlich politische Macht verborgen.
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In: Politicka misao, Band 34, Heft 2, S. 144-156
The author analyzes the concept of neoclassicism in contemporary political philosophy. The study begins with a description of contemporary neoclassical developments & continues with a precise delineation of Plato's & Aristotle's philosophy of politics. In the end, the author concludes that the antiquity-inspired philosophy of politics today has the corrective function to steer liberal society towards community. Adapted from the source document.
U ovom članku razmatra se odnos između umnog mišljenja i umnog djelovanja, filozofije i politike, u perspektivi u kojoj se taj odnos, ako je pravilno shvaćen, pokazuje kao odlučujući i za proces repolitizacije koji se, kako izgleda, nameće kao neodložna obaveza našeg vremena. Nastoji se pokazati da je starogrčko iskustvo razumijevanja filozofije i politike, transformirano u moderni na određen način, mjerodavno i za suvremenu emancipaciju na- šeg umnog života. A u tom sklopu umnog života, pokazuje se da mišljenje uvijek predstavlja i jedan politički čin, a politika, sa svoje strane, uvijek iznosi (i) specifično mišljenje. ; This paper discusses the relationship between rational thought and rational action, between philosophy and politics, in a perspective in which this relationship, if properly understood, turns out to be decisive for the repoliticisation process that seems to impose itself as an urgent obligation of our time. It will be shown that the ancient Greek experience of understanding philosophy and politics, transformed in modernity in a certain way, is also relevant to the contemporary emancipation of our rational life. And in this context of rational life, it is shown that thought is always a political act and politics, in turn, always presents specific thought.
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U nastojanju da se obuhvate i valoriziraju skulpture i spomenička plastika na javnim prostorima naselja Gospić ovaj rad vremenski obuhvaća razdoblje od 1990. godine do danas.1 Kako grad Gospić u svojem sastavu ima 50 naselja, rad se bavi samo spomen-obilježjima i skulpturama naselja Gospić čija je najveća koncentracija, između ostalih, baš u najužem središtu grada – Trgu Alojzija Stepinca i parku Kolakovac. Unatoč tematski i tipološki različitim kiparskim radovima, njihovo umetanje u tkivo grada na svoj je način vezano za gospićki suvremeni život, njegovo društvo i politiku. Indikativan je utjecaj Domovinskog rata i drugih političkih, kao i društvenih okolnosti na podizanje, ali i uklanjanje skulptura i javnih spomenika na samom prijelazu iz 20. u 21. stoljeće. Kritički se promatra postavljanje recentnih umjetnički izvedenih spomen-obilježja u Gospiću, kao i analizira spomenički inventar iz spomenutog razdoblja. Nakon 2010. godine u gospićkom javnom prostoru javljaju se, uz mnogobrojna poprsja, i konceptualne skulpture, a rad se bavi i projektom povratka i postavljanja spomenika Nikoli Tesli kipara Frana Kršinića. ; In an effort to include and valorize sculptures and monuments in the public spaces of Gospić, this paper covers the period from 1990 to the present.49 As the city of Gospić consists of 50 settlements, the paper deals only with memorials and sculptures at Gospić, with their greatest concentration, among others, in the very center of the town – Alojzije Stepinac Square and Kolakovac Park. Despite thematically and typologically different sculptural works, their placement into the urban tissue is in a specific way related to the contemporary life of Gospić, as well as its society and politics. The influence of the Homeland War and other political, as well as social circumstances on the construction and removal of sculptures and public monuments at the very transition from the 20th to the 21st century is quite indicative. The work also critically observes the installation of recent artistically executed memorials in Gospić and analyses the monument inventory from previous years. It also deals with conceptual sculptures which appeared in the public space of Gospić along with numerous busts after 2010, and finally, with the project of returning and re-erecting of the monument to Nikola Tesla by sculptor Fran Kršinić.
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U suvremenom zapadnom društvu terorizam je postao kulturalni simbol straha te je samim time postao referentni okvir za evaluaciju bilo kakvih drugih oblika ugroze ljudskoj sigurnosti. Pokušaji donošenja univerzalne definicije terorizma nikada nisu rezultirali uspjehom, a razlog tomu je njegova situacijska i pejorativna priroda te preklapanje s drugim formama političkog nasilja (gerilsko ratovanje, pobune i slično). Na tom tragu, prikazivanje određenih fenomena i događaja kao terorističkih može biti stvar subjektivne konstrukcije značenja tog pojma. Stoga je u ovom radu, uz metodu kritičke analize diskursa protuterorističkih strategija Europske unije i Sjedinjenih Američkih Država, prikazano kako se konstruira strah od terorizma u kolektivnoj svijesti zapadnog društva, te su komparativnom analizom utvrđene sličnosti i razlike u provođenju politike straha od strane zapadnih političkih elita. Rezultati analiza ukazuju kako se prikaz prijetnje koju terorizam predstavlja zapadnom svijetu ne temelji na činjenicama, nego na zamišljanju najgorih mogućih ishodišnih scenarija terorističkih napada. ; Terrorism has become a cultural symbol of fear in contemporary Western society and therefore a frame of reference for evaluation of any other type of threat to human security. Attempts to universally define terrorism have never been succesful because of its situational and pejorative nature and overlap with other forms of political violence (guerilla warfare, insurgency etc.). Consequently, representation of certain phenomena and events as terrorist can be a matter of subjective construction. Therefore, by applying method of critical discourse analysis to counterterrorism strategies of the European Union and the United States of America, it is shown how the fear of terrorism in collective consciousness of Western society is constructed. In addition, comparative analysis method shows similarities and differences in conduction of politics of fear by western political elites. Results of analysis indicate that the representation of terrorist threat to Western society is based not on facts but on imagining worst-case scenarios of terrorist attack.
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In: Politicka misao, Band 36, Heft 4, S. 66-78
The study is a contribution to the discussion on the definition of war in the modern era & focuses on contemporary debates. By exploring the essence of politics & nation, in line with Carl Schmitt's theory of politics & by taking into consideration the forms of national liberation wars, the author points to the inadequacy of von Clausewitz's instrumental/political definition of war & lists most critical remarks to this theory. The author describes other theories, such as the pure war theory (war separated from politics) & the existential war theory (a political entity is being shaped & coming into being). Then he systematically lays out the modern concept of the nation & the corresponding definition of war. In defining wars, the author relies on the modern philosophy of the subject, particularly by G. W. F. Hegel, & on Scheler's theory of nation & war. Finally, the study shows that international relations are still to a large extent determined by the nationally based politics, & that contemporary wars include many features of international & national-liberation wars. 14 References. Adapted from the source document.
In: Politicka misao, Band 46, Heft 3, S. 205-216
Although our talk about human rights is part of the ethical awareness of contemporary politics, it still has not received adequate theoretical justification & foundation. Serious philosophical problems arose in the very beginning of the history of the "human rights" concept, with Locke's liberal natural right & Kant's reasonable right. According to the author, the difficulty stems from the concept of person, for in every liberal legal theory the person is perceived as bearer of human & fundamental rights. Meanwhile, the dominant constitutional theory of human & fundamental rights starts from the identical meanings of "person" as an individual, in its uniqueness, & of "man" as a general definition. It is, however, necessary to start from the fundamental difference between the two key concepts. While the "man" concept is defined universalistically, there is no universal concept for persons & no possibility of breaking them down into subcategories. While every individual, as instance of the concept, must be defined in the same way as everyone else, persons are defined individualistically; each person is a unique individual which can be neither duplicated nor multiplied. The author proposes a solution of the fundamental rights problem-matter within the framework of constitutional law. Personal rights are brought to existence as follows: organs of the state, in accordance with positive law, give to the individual the title of state-citizen as an individualistically unique legal person. Everyone receives it, in the same way, as a unique & irreplaceable person. In the normal conditions, the state has the obligation to make sure, via courts & the police, that everyone's personal right is untouchable. On the basis of this logic, a demarcation line can be drawn between the personal fundamental rights & the collective rights of citizens (such as political rights, which the individual can practice only together with others). Only such an interpretation would provide our libertarian fundamental rights with a consistently secular character, with no concession to the internal attachment, in whichever way it may be concealed, to metaphysical or religious presuppositions. Adapted from the source document.