Suchergebnisse

The article analyzes how the 16+1 Cooperation promotes the Chinese new type of international relations from four perspectives: firstly, the "16+1 Cooperation" insists on not rejecting third parties and promotes the idea of open and inclusive international cooperation; Secondly, the cooperation framework adheres to the principle of mutually-beneficial and win-win cooperation, and proposes to wisely handle differences and divergences; Thirdly, this framework never engages in zero-sum games, instead, it fully respects and closely watches the core interests and major concerns of the relevant parties; Fourthly, it is committed to creating a cooperative platform through consultation, to meet the interests of all. The article also makes an analysis of the challenges facing 16+1 Cooperation and gives some suggestions. ; The article analyzes how the 16+1 Cooperation promotes the Chinese new type of international relations from four perspectives: firstly, the "16+1 Cooperation" insists on not rejecting third parties and promotes the idea of open and inclusive international cooperation; Secondly, the cooperation framework adheres to the principle of mutually-beneficial and win-win cooperation, and proposes to wisely handle differences and divergences; Thirdly, this framework never engages in zero-sum games, instead, it fully respects and closely watches the core interests and major concerns of the relevant parties; Fourthly, it is committed to creating a cooperative platform through consultation, to meet the interests of all. The article also makes an analysis of the challenges facing 16+1 Cooperation and gives some suggestions.

Osnovni je cilj ovog rada utvrditi potencijalno učinkovit smjer razvoja politike razvojne suradnje Republike Hrvatske kao države članice Europske unije i države donatora. Radom se predlaže praćenje globalnih i europskih trendova razvoja te politike primjenom modela delegirane razvojne suradnje kojim je moguće ostvarivati vlastite ciljeve i stjecati koristi ne upotrebljavajući isključivo vlastita nacionalna sredstva i resurse, nego podjelom donatorskih aktivnosti, uz ekspertize i resurse svih uključenih donatora te istodobno ostvarivanje učinkovitih rezultata. Imajući u vidu ograničene financijske resurse za provedbu te politike te preuzete obveze primarno spram Europske unije, provedena analiza u radu ukazuje na model delegirane razvojne suradnje kao na moguće strateško opredjeljenje Republike Hrvatske u provedbi predmetne politike u idućem razdoblju. Holistički pristup razvoju te politike, specijalizacija za određena područja djelovanja te integracija s drugim donatorima identificirani su kao predstojeći izazovi za Republiku Hrvatsku, a ujedno i kao preduvjeti primjene modela delegirane razvojne suradnje. ; The main aim of this study is to determine possible strategic guidance for increasing the effectiveness of implementing the development cooperation policy in the Republic of Croatia, bearing in mind its membership of the European Union and the fact that, since 2011, the Republic of Croatia has been officially classified as an international donor. Thus, taking into consideration the limited financial resources available for the implementation of this policy, the analysis in this study proposes a model of delegated cooperation as a possible strategic commitment on the part of the Republic of Croatia in policy implementation in the coming period. The delegated cooperation model should be considered in the context of the Republic of Croatia's meeting its commitments towards the European Union and the global donor community, as well as guidance for alignment with current global donor trends in policy implementation. Furthermore, it should be seen as beneficial in terms of achieving the visibility of the Republic of Croatia as a donor country, its proliferation through comparative advantage, and the withdrawal of European Union funds in order to achieve its own benefits and ultimate fulfillment of global development goals. In order to achieve this, structural changes should be introduced regarding the necessary political commitments and appropriate institutional and procedural reforms. In this respect, the need to introduce changes in the existing political system of the Republic of Croatia should be considered.

Na temelju građe nekoliko fondova Arhiva Jugoslavije i dostupne dokumentacije međunarodnih institucija zaduženih za kontrolu opijumske proizvodnje i prometa, ovaj rad rekonstruira malo poznate aspekte američko-jugoslavenskih odnosa tijekom 1930-ih koji prelaze domenu privredne suradnje. U tekstu je rekonstruirano nekoliko faza izvoza kvalitetnoga jugoslavenskoga (makedonskoga) sirovog opijuma američkim farmaceutskim kompanijama: od 1929. do 1934., kada su gotovo čitavu godišnju proizvodnju otkupljivale američke tvornice, preko perioda poslovanja tursko-jugoslavenskoga Centralnog biroa obilježenog međusobnim opstrukcijama i rivalstvom na američkom tržištu, pa do faze kada je stupanj ilegalne prerade i krijumčarenja droge u Jugoslaviji ugrozio odnose sa Sjedinjenim Američkim Državama uoči izbijanja Drugoga svjetskog rata. ; Due to its large morphine content, Yugoslav medical opium was an exception-ally sought-after pharmaceutical raw material, and therefore exported to leading processing plants in Germany, Switzerland, and France till 1928, when American plants began buying up almost the entire production. After 1932, yearly production of raw opium in Yugoslavia stabilised at 35-48 tons, with 99% of the production being absorbed by the American pharmaceutical companies Merck & Co. and Mallinckrodt Chemical Works, at prices significantly greater than those in Europe. However, the enthusiasm about exporting the entire yearly opium production to the USA was put into question in early 1934, when the Turkish-Yugoslav Central Bureau for raw opium export began operating in Istanbul. It comprised representatives of the Turkish Opium Export Institute and the Yugoslav Opium Export Institute (Jugoslovenski zavod za izvoz opijuma – JUZOP). The Yugoslav participation quota of 23-26% hindered the previous level of export to America, which generated resistance towards further cooperation with Turkey in Belgrade. Thus, disputes about placing opium on the American market led to a short-lived blockade of Yugoslav opium import, while the appearance of cheap Iranian opium in Europe further emboldened the Turkish side in the Central Bureau to compensate its loss of the European market by obstructing its Yugoslav partners in dealing with American plants. Apart from this, the debts of the American Eli Lilly plant towards the JUZOP on the day of the Central Bureau's liquidation in late June 1941 further contributed towards the impression that Yugoslavia was actually suffering a loss by exporting opium in collaboration with Turkey. According to official Ministry of Agriculture data, a total of 688 tons of raw opium worth 386 million dinars were exported from the Kingdom of Yugoslavia in the 1927–1939 period. On a yearly level, this amounted to an average of 42 tons of opium worth 29 million dinars, which equalled, for example, the average yearly budget revenue of the entire Vardar Banate (province). Since yearly opium smuggling in the Kingdom of Yugoslavia stood at around 8-10 tons of opium, one can conclude that almost a quarter of the legal production actually ended up in illegal trafficking. If the smuggling of processed opium derivates (morphine, heroin, codeine) to the USA is added to these figures, and if one keeps in mind the links of the Belgrade and Skopje smuggling organisations with leading European networks for drug trafficking across the Atlantic (Eliopoulos, Bacula, Raskin), then the increased interest of the League of Nations and American diplomacy for the situation in Yugoslavia from late 1937 becomes more understandable. The direct pressure of the American embassy in Paris, which operated a "service" for tracking narcotics smuggling, influenced the Yugoslav authorities to enact harsher laws and at least temporarily reign in the increasingly aggressive criminalisation of a formerly perspective branch of agriculture.

Na temelju građe nekoliko fondova Arhiva Jugoslavije i dostupne dokumentacije međunarodnih institucija zaduženih za kontrolu opijumske proizvodnje i prometa, ovaj rad rekonstruira malo poznate aspekte američko-jugoslavenskih odnosa tijekom 1930-ih koji prelaze domenu privredne suradnje. U tekstu je rekonstruirano nekoliko faza izvoza kvalitetnoga jugoslavenskoga (makedonskoga) sirovog opijuma američkim farmaceutskim kompanijama: od 1929. do 1934., kada su gotovo čitavu godišnju proizvodnju otkupljivale američke tvornice, preko perioda poslovanja tursko-jugoslavenskoga Centralnog biroa obilježenog međusobnim opstrukcijama i rivalstvom na američkom tržištu, pa do faze kada je stupanj ilegalne prerade i krijumčarenja droge u Jugoslaviji ugrozio odnose sa Sjedinjenim Američkim Državama uoči izbijanja Drugoga svjetskog rata. ; Due to its large morphine content, Yugoslav medical opium was an exception-ally sought-after pharmaceutical raw material, and therefore exported to leading processing plants in Germany, Switzerland, and France till 1928, when American plants began buying up almost the entire production. After 1932, yearly production of raw opium in Yugoslavia stabilised at 35-48 tons, with 99% of the production being absorbed by the American pharmaceutical companies Merck & Co. and Mallinckrodt Chemical Works, at prices significantly greater than those in Europe. However, the enthusiasm about exporting the entire yearly opium production to the USA was put into question in early 1934, when the Turkish-Yugoslav Central Bureau for raw opium export began operating in Istanbul. It comprised representatives of the Turkish Opium Export Institute and the Yugoslav Opium Export Institute (Jugoslovenski zavod za izvoz opijuma – JUZOP). The Yugoslav participation quota of 23-26% hindered the previous level of export to America, which generated resistance towards further cooperation with Turkey in Belgrade. Thus, disputes about placing opium on the American market led to a short-lived blockade of Yugoslav opium import, while the appearance of cheap Iranian opium in Europe further emboldened the Turkish side in the Central Bureau to compensate its loss of the European market by obstructing its Yugoslav partners in dealing with American plants. Apart from this, the debts of the American Eli Lilly plant towards the JUZOP on the day of the Central Bureau's liquidation in late June 1941 further contributed towards the impression that Yugoslavia was actually suffering a loss by exporting opium in collaboration with Turkey. According to official Ministry of Agriculture data, a total of 688 tons of raw opium worth 386 million dinars were exported from the Kingdom of Yugoslavia in the 1927–1939 period. On a yearly level, this amounted to an average of 42 tons of opium worth 29 million dinars, which equalled, for example, the average yearly budget revenue of the entire Vardar Banate (province). Since yearly opium smuggling in the Kingdom of Yugoslavia stood at around 8-10 tons of opium, one can conclude that almost a quarter of the legal production actually ended up in illegal trafficking. If the smuggling of processed opium derivates (morphine, heroin, codeine) to the USA is added to these figures, and if one keeps in mind the links of the Belgrade and Skopje smuggling organisations with leading European networks for drug trafficking across the Atlantic (Eliopoulos, Bacula, Raskin), then the increased interest of the League of Nations and American diplomacy for the situation in Yugoslavia from late 1937 becomes more understandable. The direct pressure of the American embassy in Paris, which operated a "service" for tracking narcotics smuggling, influenced the Yugoslav authorities to enact harsher laws and at least temporarily reign in the increasingly aggressive criminalisation of a formerly perspective branch of agriculture.

Ovaj članak proučava razvoj rumunjsko-jugoslavenskih odnosa od 1948. do 1964. godine. Istražuju se dva različita razdoblja u njihovim odnosima. Prvo je od 1948. do 1953. godine, kad je došlo do sovjetsko-jugoslavenskog i rumunjsko-jugoslavenskog sukoba koji je, zapravo, predstavljao presedan koji će postupno razoriti jedinstvo socijalističkog tabora. Za drugo razdoblje (od 1954. do 1964.) vezani su početak normalizacije i zbližavanje Bukurešta i Beograda. To je odgovaralo njihovim nacionalnim interesima i predstavljalo je protutežu politici supersila. U vanjskoj politici dviju zemalja odražavali su se ideološka neslaganja i potreba za društveno-ekonomskim razvojem, a osjećao se i snažan utjecaj i iz komunističkog bloka i izvan njega. ; This article examines the evolution of the Romanian-Yugoslav relations from 1948 to1964. The study explores two different periods in the relations of these two countries. The first period was from 1948 to 1953, when the Soviet-Yugoslav and Roman-Yugoslav conflicts occurred, practically constituting a precedent that would gradually ruin the unity of the socialist camp. The second period (1954 – 1964) corresponds with the beginning of the normalization, bringing Bucharest and Belgrade even closer and aiming to satisfy their national interests and counterbalance the policy of the superpowers. Ideological divergences and the need for socio-economic development were reflected in the character of the foreign policies of the two countries, which were under a strong influence of interventions from inside and outside the communist bloc.

Svrha je rada upozoriti na osobitu važnost suradnje država u borbi protiv krijumčarenja migranata morem, napose u prostoru izvan područja suverenosti obalnih država. U radu se stoga objašnjava međunarodnopravni okvir za aktivnosti država u borbi protiv krijumčarenja migranata morem. Pritom je naglasak stavljen na jurisdikciju država za provođenje prisilnih mjera protiv brodova kojima se krijumčare migranti. Izlaganje polazi od općih pravila koja uređuju jurisdikciju država na otvorenom moru, a danas su kodificirana u Konvenciji Ujedinjenih naroda o pravu mora iz 1982. Potom je fokus usmjeren na posebna pravila u vezi s krijumčarenjem migranata na moru sadržanima u Protokolu protiv krijumčarenja migranata kopnom, morem i zrakom, prihvaćenu uz Konvenciju UN-a protiv transnacionalnog organiziranog kriminaliteta iz 2000., gdje je u čl. 7. Protokola podcrtana upravo dužnost suradnje država stranaka "na sprječavanju i suzbijanju krijumčarenja migranata morem, u skladu s međunarodnim pravom mora". Protokol protiv krijumčarenja migranata u svome članku 17., štoviše, potiče države ugovornice na "sklapanje dvostranih ili regionalnih sporazuma ili operativnih dogovora ili suglasnosti" radi njegove bolje implementacije. U tom su smislu prikazani i evaluirani oblici bilateralne i multilateralne regionalne suradnje država s naglaskom na Mediteran, uzimajući napose u obzir suradnju država članica Europske unije preko Agencije za europsku graničnu i obalnu stražu (Frontex). K tomu, dan je osvrt na Rezoluciju Vijeća sigurnosti UN-a br. 2240 (2015) koja državama članicama UN-a daje izvanredne jurisdikcijske ovlasti na otvorenom moru pred obalama Libije, a služi kao pravni temelj za djelovanje mornaričke operacije EU-a EUNAVFOR Med "Sophia" u okviru Zajedničke sigurnosne i obrambene politike. ; The aim of the paper is to highlight the particular importance of interstate cooperation in combating migrant smuggling by sea, notably in waters beyond the sovereignty of coastal states. In explaining the international legal framework for the activities of states in combating migrant smuggling by sea, emphasis is put on the jurisdiction of states to take enforcement measures against vessels that are engaged in migrant smuggling. First, the general rules concerning the jurisdiction of states on the high seas are discussed, which are codified today in the United Nations Convention on the Law of the Sea of 1982. Thereafter, the focus is on the special rules regarding migrant smuggling by sea, as comprised in the Protocol against the Smuggling of Migrants by Land, Sea and Air of 2000, supplementing the United Nations Convention against Transnational Organized Crime. Article 7 of the Protocol indeed emphasizes the duty of states parties to "cooperate to the fullest extent possible to prevent and suppress the smuggling of migrants by sea, in accordance with the international law of the sea." Article 17 of the Migrant Smuggling Protocol furthermore encourages states parties to "consider the conclusion of bilateral or regional agreements or operational arrangements or understandings" with a view to enhancing the Protocol's implementation. In that respect the paper examines and evaluates forms of bilateral and regional cooperation between states with an emphasis on the Mediterranean, and especially considers the cooperation between the member states of the European Union via the European Border and Coast Guard Agency (Frontex). In addition, the UN Security Council Resolution 2240 (2015) is analyzed, since it grants the UN member states exceptional jurisdictional powers on the high seas off the Libyan coast and serves as the legal basis for the activities of EUNAVOR Med Sophia, an EU naval operation in the framework of the Common Security and Defence Policy.

Funkcionalna suradnja NATO-a i Ruske Federacije u suvremenim međunarodnim odnosima je nužna, ali zbog još uvijek obostranog nepovjerenja i natjecateljski postavljenih ciljeva teško se ostvaruje. Autorica polazi od prikaza i analize postojećih odnosa suradnje ta dva aktera oko globalnih pitanja (borba protiv terorizma, krijumčarenje droga i narkotika, elementarne nepogode, obuka afganistanskih sigurnosnih snaga) najvećim dijelom operacionaliziranih u Afganistanu. Potom prikazuje prostor Arktika kao prostor na kojem se NATO i Ruska Federacija tek interesno pozicioniraju. Globalni izazovi sigurnosti (klimatske promjene, sigurnost transportnih ruta, eksploatacija energenata) ponovno mogu približiti stavove ta dva aktera, ali iz dosad poduzetih akcija autorica zaključuje da će i taj prostor biti poprište konfrontacija. Na kraju analizira dva osnovna problema (raketni štit u Europi i daljnje širenje NATO-a) koji su od završetka Hladnog rata pa do danas glavni problemi u odnosima NATO-a i Ruske Federacije. Bez obzira na trenutnu ukrajinsku krizu očito je da će se i budući odnosi NATO-Ruska Federacija paralelno odvijati na dva kolosijeka: funkcionalnoj suradnji i odnosima hladnog mira. ; Functional cooperation between NATO and the Russian Federation is a necessity within the contemporary international relations. However, due to a lack of mutual trust which is still being felt and competitively set objectives of both players, such cooperation is sometimes difficult to achieve. Author starts by presenting and analyzing the existing examples of cooperation between the two states on global issues (fight against terrorism, drug trafficking, natural disasters, training of security forces in Afghanistan) – most of which is taking place in Afghanistan. She continues by elaborating on the situation in the Arctic territories where both NATO and the Russian Federation are just starting to position their interests. Again, it is the global challenges to security that might bring the positions of the two players closer in this area (such as climate changes, safety of transport routes, energy exploitation), but based on their activities so far the author concludes that this area might also become an area of confrontation. Finally, the author analyses two major issues (missile defense in Europe and further NATO enlargement) that have been principal problems in NATO-Russia relations ever since the end of the Cold War. Regardless of the current crisis in Ukraine it is apparent that future relations between NATO and the Russian Federation will continue on two parallel tracks: functional cooperation on one, and "cold peace" on the other.

Analizira se suradnja javne uprave i organizacija civilnog društva u procesu odlučivanja. Snaženje koncepta regulacijske države mijenja ulogu javne vlasti u procesu odlučivanja. To se posebno očituje kroz širenje broja akera koji sudjeluju u izradi politika i odluka. Europska unija razvija mogućnosti i načine putem kojih razne organizacije civilnog društva imaju priliku dati svoje mišljenje o donošenju određene odluke. Republika Hrvatska pokušava slijediti taj trend definiranjem odredbi o postupcima savjetovanja sa zainteresiranom javnošću i uspostavljanjem mehanizama suradnje s organizacijama civilnog društva i drugim akterima na izradi zakona, drugih propisa i akata. Također se analiziraju formalne mogućnosti i stvarna participacija civilnog društva u postupcima savjetovanja sa zainteresiranom javnošću te odnos s javnom vlasti u izradi odluka. Analiziraju se instrumenti savjetovanja sa zainteresiranom javnošću u EU-u i Hrvatskoj. Upozorava se na određene probleme u regulaciji i provedbi instrumenta te se predlažu rješenja za poboljšanje. ; The strengthening of the regulatory state concept in recent decades has changed the role of public authorities in the decision-making process, rendering them just one of the many different participants involved in policy-making and the decision-making process. As regulation became their primary function, public authorities began to emphasise the quality of the decision-making process and the decisions it engenders in order to encourage the establishment of a suitable environment for economic development. Therefore, supranational organisations and many countries are implementing regulatory reforms in an attempt to create better regulation, and in the context of these reforms they are using instruments of civil society participation in decision-making. As a result of various circumstances, creating relations with civil society based on cooperation and partnership is often a relatively slow and gradual process, yet progress is notable. The European Union is constantly evolving opportunities and ways in which various civil society organisations can convey their opinions about the adoption of certain decisions at the EU level. Croatia has also, particularly over the last seven years, tried to follow this trend by defining the legal provisions and procedures of public consultations, and by establishing mechanisms for cooperation with civil society organisations and many other stakeholders in the drafting of laws and other regulations. The paper analyses the role of civil society and the opportunities for public consultations in the European Union and Croatia. The analysis results indicate progress as well as problems. The author suggests improvements with regard to the cooperation between civil society and public administration in public consultations.

U naslovu rada je upitnik: to upućuje na pravnu problematiku koja još nije definitivno razriješena. Temeljno pravno pitanje na koje ovaj članak odgovara moglo bi se ovako formulirati: imaju li vjernici laici crkvenu vlast upravljanja ili u njoj mogu samo surađivati? Povod raspravi dale su dvije kanonske odredbe sadašnjeg Zakonika kanonskog prava: prva se odnosi na mogućnost suradnje vjernika laika u vlasti upravljanja (kan. 129, § 2), a druga na mogućnost da vjernici laici budu imenovani crkvenim sudcima (kan. 1421, § 2), što je služba povezana s obavljanjem odgovarajuće vlasti. Je li posrijedi nedosljednost u samom Zakoniku ili je moguće doći do sinteze? U pokušaju odgovora na to pitanje autori induktivnom metodom najprije govore općenito o vlasti upravljanja u Crkvi, a zatim o vjernicima laicima te općenito o njihovim pravima i obvezama u Crkvi. Zatim pristupaju analizi kan. 129, § 2 i kan. 1421, § 2, s posebnim osvrtom na izvore koji su utjecali na formulaciju tih kanona. Konačno, predstavljaju dvije škole, rimsku i münchensku, te dvije teorije, sakramentalnu i nesakramentalnu o izvorima i prenošenju svete vlasti (sacra potestas) u Crkvi. Moguće rješenje postavljenog pitanja i svojevrsnu sintezu u zaključku pronalaze u dvostrukoj izvornosti i dvostrukom prenošenju jedne i jedine Kristove vlasti u Crkvi: po sakramentu sv. reda i po kanonskom poslanju (missio canonica) u ime Crkve. ; Summary In this unsolved issue of the Canon law, the basic juridical question could be expressed in this way: do the lay faithful possess the ecclesiastical power of governance, or they can only participate in it? The discussion is motivated by two paragraphs of the current Canon Law. The first one deals with the possibility of collaboration of the lay faithful in the exercise of the power of governance (can. 129, § 2). The other one refers to the possibility for lay faithful to be appointed for ecclesiastical judges (can. 1421, § 2), which is linked to exercise of the power of governance. Is the Cannon law incoherent, or a synthesis is possible? The authors following the inductive method firstly explain the power of governance in the Church, then the status of the lay faithful, and their general rights and duties in the Church. Then the authors analyze the cannons 129, § 2 and 1421, § 2, giving particular attention to the sources that influenced the formulation of these canons. Finally, they present the theories of the Roman and the Munich school, the sacramental and the non sacramental theory, regarding the sources and transmission of the sacred power (sacra potestas) in the Church. The possible solution and synthesis are found in the double source and the double tradition of the one and only Christ's power in the Church, by the sacrament of Holy Orders, and the canonic mission (missio canonica) in the name of the Church.

Tema članka je važnost regionalne suradnje za ostvarivanje prava disperziranih etničkih manjina koje žive u različitim zemljama. Autorica posebno ističe specifičnost položaja Roma u kontekstu suvremenih europskih politika zaštite manjinskih prava. Međunarodni dokumenti, naglašava autorica, po prvi put u povijesti osiguravaju institucionalnu podršku očuvanju etničkog identiteta Roma u Europi. Europska povelja o regionalnim ili manjinskim jezicima pruža zaštitu i neteritorijalnim jezicima, što uključuje i romski jezik. U drugoj polovici dvadesetog stoljeća, na području Zapadnog Balkana, pokrenute su inicijative za očuvanje i razvoj romskog jezika i identiteta. Romi iz bivše Jugoslavije, u sklopu te inicijative, pokrenuli su projekt standardizacije romskog jezika. Ta je inicijativa u praksi bitno utjecala na položaj i uporabu romskog jezika u Sloveniji. ; The article topic is regional cooperation in light of its special importance for the rights of dispersed ethnic minorities living in different countries. In this context the situation of Roma stands out as a specific issue in the context of modern European minority protection. International documents for the first time in history provide institutional support for the preservation of ethnic identity of the Roma in Europe. The European Charter for Regional or Minority Languages expands its protection also to the protection of non-territorial languages, including the Roma language. In the second half of the last century, in the geographical area of the Western Balkans some initiatives for the preservation and development of the Romani language and identity started. Following these initiatives, representatives of Roma from the former Yugoslavia started a project for standardization of the Roma language. Practice has shown that this process significantly influenced the situation and the use of the Romani language in Slovenia.

Tijekom prošlog stoljeća tržišta energenata sve više dobivaju na važnosti što je posljedica sve veće potrošnje energije. Razvoj tih tržišta posebno se vezuje uz zapadne države koje, osim na vlastitom području, razvijaju tržište energenata i u nerazvijenim državama. Stoga se krajem prošlog stoljeća unutar Europske unije sve više naglašava potreba jačanja energetskog tržišta i stvaranja jedinstvenih propisa koji će se jednako primjenjivati na sve članice Europske unije. Kao rezultat potrebe jačanja tržišta energenata unutar Europske unije osnovana je i Agencija za suradnju energetskih regulatora (ACER) čija je zadaća praćenje i analiziranje stanja na tržištu energenata, stvaranje konkurentske prednosti i razvijanje infrastrukture utemeljene na suvremenim tehnološkim rješenjima. U pregovorima za pristupanje Europskoj uniji Hrvatska se obvezala uskladiti zakonske regulative vezane uz energente sa zakonskim regulativama Europske unije te su donijeti zakoni, pravilnici i strategije koje su utemeljene na pravnim osnovama Europske unije. U ovom diplomskom radu bit će prikazane funkcije energetskog regulatora i zadaće Agencije za suradnju energetskih regulatornih tijela. ; During the last century, the energy market has become increasingly important as a result of the rise in energy consumption. The growth of these markets is associated with Western countries, which, in addition to cultivating the energy market in their own territories, improve the energy market in developing countries. Therefore, the end of the last century in the European Union saw an increasing need to strengthen the energy market and to create uniform rules that will apply equally to all EU members. As a result of the need to fortify the energy market within the European Union, the Agency for Cooperation of Energy Regulators (ACER) was founded. Its task is to monitor and analyze the situation in the energy market, creating competitive advantage and developing the infrastructure, based on modern technological solutions. During the negotiations, which preceeded the Croatian entry into the European Union, Croatia has pledged to harmonize legislation relating to the energy market with the legal regulations of the European Union and pass laws, regulations and strategies that are based on the laws of the European Union. In this Master's Thesis the functions of energy regulator and the tasks of the Agency for Cooperation of Energy Regulators will be explained.