Suchergebnisse

Cross-border cooperation helps to mitigate the negative effects of the border and overcome the consequences of the location of border areas. The article aims to identify the ways of using the cultural and natural potential in EU Cross-border Cooperation Programmes implemented in the Polish, Slovak, and Ukrainian areas of the Carpathians. The analysis covers the existing data using the method of examining strategic documents of the Programmes: Poland-Slovakia, Poland-Belarus-Ukraine, Hungary-Slovakia-Ukraine, and Hungary- Slovakia-Romania-Ukraine, implemented in three programming periods (2004-2020). A quantitative analysis of the projects concerning the use of cultural and natural heritage, which was implemented under the presented Programmes, was also carried out. The research was used to answer the following questions: (1) what kinds of projects with the use of cultural and natural heritage are carried out, (2) are there differences in the ways of using cultural and natural heritage, (3) are there differences between the Programmes implemented in internal and external border regions of the EU. The study made it possible to establish that in the case of all the Programmes, cultural and natural values are considered a strength of the regions and are associated with significant expectations in terms of their use in the development of these areas. At the same time, it is noticed that they are used insufficiently. Activities related to the use of cultural and natural heritage were supported in all the Programmes; however, it was the method of financing that largely determined the taking of action. Traditional (typical) ways of using natural and cultural resources are still dominant.

After the relatively successful system transformation, some young democratic countries from Central and Eastern Europe which used to receive democratic aid in the 1980s and 90s have engaged as new donors in assisting pro-democratic changes in other post-communist countries. The donor-recipient relations between two post-communist countries can be observed on the example of the development of cooperation between Poland and Ukraine. This paper deals with Polish assistance to new media in Ukraine in from 2007-2017 as a part of supporting democracy in Ukraine under the Polish Cooperation Development Program. Firstly, this work examines whether the Polish government's support of Ukrainian media as part of cooperation development will be sustained regardless of changes in the Polish government. Secondly, the paper explores whether Polish NGOs tailor their projects, financed by the Polish MFA, to the recipients' respective needs and the current situation in Ukraine. By examining Polish media assistance, the authors aim to explain the efforts of the new donor in developing media in a partner country, emphasizing the relation between the involvement of external actors and the presence of independent media which play an important role in democratization processes.

The South-East European Cooperation Process (SEECP) was launched in 1996, however, its functioning is an ongoing research phenomenon. This regional cooperation format includes all 13 states of South-East Europe. It was established as a forum of political dialogue and consultation, where regional issues could be addressed at the highest level. One of the objectives of the SEECP was security cooperation. The aim of this article is to analyse the role of the SEECP in maintaining security in the region of the Western Balkans. This article argues that since 1996, the SEECP has been evolving and is becoming an important format of regional cooperation in South East Europe, however, it plays a limited role in maintaining the military security of the post-conflict states of the Western Balkans. From the point of view of the members of the SEECP, military security and peace could be obtained through the integration of the participants of the SEECP, in particular those located in the Western Balkans, with the European Union and the North Atlantic Treaty Organization. The article also shows that establishing the SEECP did not eliminate tensions and riots based on ethnicity in some states of the Western Balkans and so, the SEECP still has a lot to do in the matters of reconciliation and good-neighbourliness. The article is based on primary and secondary source analysis, case study method comparative analysis, and the historical method.

Prison service in view of total character and place of executable task is enforced affirmation of safety on purpose for with other discretional groups for optimization of operation society having cooperation. Operations related with assuring safety and there must be fitted cooperation affect for potential sources of threats new threats systematically appearing forcefully.

The article analyses and evaluates Polish-American cooperation in support of Ukraine after Russia's full-scale aggression in 2022. It answers the question regarding the importance of Polish-American cooperation in supporting the Ukrainian state and society. It assumes that Polish-American cooperation plays a key role in the areas of military and non-military assistance for Ukraine and Ukrainians. Both countries are among the main donors of military equipment to Ukraine, which is delivered via the territory of Poland. In addition, they put great pressure on European countries to increase military support to Ukraine. Polish-American cooperation in non-military areas is also of great importance. Poland's aid for Ukrainian refugees is crucial, and the US is involved in its delivery and financing. The US, in turn, is of paramount importance in imposing sanctions on Russia to force it to stop its aggression and in providing economic assistance to Ukraine. Poland participates in the sanctions system and strives to make them as severe as possible. Another area of Polish-American cooperation is LNG trade, which allows Poland, and potentially also other CEE countries, including Ukraine, to secure natural gas supplies after abandoning imports from Russia. During the research, interviews with American scientists and experts were conducted, and the method of analysing the content of text sources was used.

The fact that Poland and Ukraine share a border, the convergence of the political goals of the peoples of both countries, and the constant efforts towards the development of democracy and decentralisation of public life determine the need to intensify cooperation in various areas of the functioning of society and the economy. An important sphere of cooperation is the public sector, in particular at the level of local government. The local government cooperation of both countries was already visible at the beginning of the social and political transformations after 1990. The development of this cooperation, with varying results, took place in the 1990s and, to an even greater extent, after Poland's accession to the European Union. In the last three decades, local and regional communities in Ukraine have become an important partner for Polish local governments, both at the local and regional levels. The local government cooperation that has been implemented is based on the diversification and multidimensionality of forms and models. Some result from legal regulations, while others are based on mutual experiences, previous contacts, and sympathies of public authorities. The aim of the study is to analyse and present the conditions and forms of Polish-Ukrainian local government cooperation. The aim is also to show the barriers to cooperation and to define proposed solutions to improve partner contacts of territorial units. The local government cooperation of the two countries is undoubtedly hindered by the fact that Ukraine is not a member of the EU, and often by mutual misunderstanding and non-acceptance of historical experiences. On the other hand, common goals at different levels of social, public, and economic life are a significant factor motivating parties to increase cooperation and achieve a synergistic effect thanks to it.

Interest groups constitute a specific civil society voice in democratic politics. They operate in a situation of constant friction between two main strategic goals: keeping the organization alive and exerting political influence. This article explores both topics, examining factors conditioning the group's tendency to cooperate with others as well as the degree to which such cooperation facilitates access to policy-making apparatus, exploring the post-communist environment of four selected Central Eastern Europe (CEE) countries and three policy areas: energy, healthcare and higher education policy. The authors aim to apply and examine the interest groups' cooperation patterns from the EU level to the CEE regional level. The article finds strong support for somewhat weak cooperation between interest groups in the region. However, even such moderate cooperation clearly affects the possibility of access to both the ruling parties and the parliaments. In particular, the cooperation of groups in the field of joint statements may turn out to be a form of remedy for the weaknesses of interest groups in the region.

The European Union has actively engaged itself in cooperation with its Eastern neighbours. The Eastern Partnership is a concept of political cooperation and economic integration in the future with six countries – Moldova, Ukraine, Belarus, Georgia, Armenia and Azerbaijan. Republic of Armenia regards this programme as a framework for improving its market institutions and judicial system and for creation of business opportunities. Although Armenia decided not to sign the Association Agreement and join the Russia-led Eurasiatic Customs Union, there is still room for cooperation with the EU on a sector-by-sector basis. The paper is divided in three parts. The first one describes the history of the Armenian cooperation with the European Union within the Eastern Partnership. The second part deals with the barriers and opportunities for mutual cooperation. The last part shows the changes in the Armenian economy during the last decade.

Studies presented in this publication were aimed at provide data necessary for the conducting of local government and citizenship dimension of the enlarged Polish foreign policy in Podlaskie region. The main objective was to investigate the diagnosis, as the local government units, non-governmental organizations, businesses and universities alluded cross-border cooperation with partners in Lithuania, Belarus, Ukraine and Russia (Kaliningrad). The publication indicated areas of the greatest potential, as well as barriers to such cooperation in the region. Particular attention was paid to the cooperation of these entities, combining their potentials and create joint projects.

Aus polnischer Sicht

Military cooperation is an important part of international relations, alongside diplomatic, economic, cultural, and environmental cooperation. The invitation to the "joint soldier's table" brings armies together, giving them the opportunity to get to know each other. The military cooperation makes it possible to compare the structural arrangement of the armed forces, the training process, military equipment, and training experience. It is also an opportunity to learn about the latest trends in the development of combat technology. Due to it, the risk of an outbreak of open armed conflict significantly decreases, which contributes to strengthening international security. The military cooperation is a very important element of international security because "mature" states see in this form of contact both their interests and the interests of the partners. The history and traditions of Polish-Ukrainian military contacts are as long as the relations between the two nations. Intensive military cooperation dates back to the mid-sixteenth century. Its basis was the pursuit of military development of the Cossacks, which are a paramilitary form of self-organization of the local society. The next chapter of Polish-Ukrainian military cooperation began shortly after the end of World War I. While analyzing the political and military situation, the Polish state authorities noticed Ukraine's significance for the future balance of power in Central and Eastern Europe and its impact on Poland's security in the East. That was of particular importance in the context of the growing threat from Bolshevik Russia. The arrangements made on 14 January 1992 during the visit of the Minister of Defense of Ukraine Colonel-General Konstantin Morozov. In formal terms, the legal basis for cooperation was the Kyiv Agreement between the Minister of National Defense of the Republic of Poland and the Minister of Defense of Ukraine on cooperation in the military field which was signed on 3 February 1993. ; W ramach stosunków międzynarodowych obok międzynarodowej współpracy politycznej, ekonomicznej, kulturalnej czy ekologicznej coraz częściej podejmowana jest także współpraca wojskowa. Zaproszenie do "wspólnego żołnierskiego stołu" zbliża armie, dając zarazem możliwość wzajemnego poznania. Współpraca wojskowa umożliwia porównanie strukturalnego układu sił zbrojnych, procesu szkolenia, wyposażenia wojskowego oraz wymianę doświadczeń szkoleniowych. Jest też okazją do zapoznania się z najnowszymi trendami rozwojowymi techniki bojowej. Dzięki niej znacznie spada ryzyko wybuchu otwartych konfliktów zbrojnych, co przyczynia się do umocnienia bezpieczeństwa międzynarodowego. Współpraca wojskowa jest bardzo ważnym elementem bezpieczeństwa międzynarodowego, ponieważ "dojrzałe" państwa dostrzegają w tej formie kontaktów zarówno interesy własne, jak i interesy swoich partnerów. Historia i tradycje polsko-ukraińskich kontaktów wojskowych są równie bogate jak relacje między oboma narodami. Intensywna współpraca wojskowa swoimi początkami sięga połowy XVI wieku. Jej podstawą było dążenie do militarnego zagospodarowania Kozaków, będących paramilitarną formą samoorganizacji miejscowego społeczeństwa. Kolejny rozdział polskoukraińskiej współpracy wojskowej rozpoczął się tuż po zakończeniu I wojny światowej. Polskie władze państwowe, analizując sytuację polityczno-militarną, od samego początku dostrzegały znaczenie Ukrainy dla przyszłego układu sił w Europie oraz jej wpływ na bezpieczeństwo Polski na wschodzie. Miało to szczególne znaczenie w kontekście rosnącego zagrożenia ze strony bolszewickiej Rosji. Za początek kontaktów wojskowych z niepodległą Ukrainą należy uznać ustalenia poczynione 14 stycznia 1992 r. w trakcie wizyty w Polsce ministra obrony Ukrainy gen. płk. Konstantina Morozowa. Pod względem formalnym prawną podstawą współpracy stało się podpisane 3 lutego 1993 r. w Kijowie Porozumienie między Ministrem Obrony Narodowej Rzeczypospolitej Polskiej a Ministrem Obrony Ukrainy o współpracy w dziedzinie wojskowej.