Result of a joint research project conducted by the Institute for International Political Studies (ISPI) and the Center for Strategic Studies under the President of the Republic of Azerbaijan (SAM), the volume "Cooperation in Eurasia: Linking Identity, Security, and Development" aims to shed light on the drivers and on the rationale behind regional cooperation in Eurasia. In particular it investigates and ponder the weight of identity issues, security perceptions, and economic development needs for interstate cooperation in the Eurasian context, by taking into account both supra-national frameworks and regional scenarios. Accordingly, the book is divided in two parts, focusing respectively on "Cooperation and Competition at Multilateral Level" and on "Regional Case Studies".
The cooperation of agencies as first responders to domestic abuse has attracted increased interests among researchers. Recent international guidelines, particularly the Istanbul Convention, prescribe such networking between law enforcement, local support agencies, social services, health care and other relevant professionals as a precondition for improved response towards crimes committed in families and intimate relationships. The article describes the urgency to combat domestic abuse by means of interagency cooperation, and continues with a description of the Istanbul Convention, and explains the basic dimensions of such cooperation, e.g., concerning referrals between responder agencies. The article concludes with a brief overview of present research activities in the field by a project carried out by 16 partners. The project 'IMPRODOVA' runs from 2018 to 2021 and is funded by the European Union Horizon 2020 programme.
Scholars typically model the politics of global public goods or common pool resources as difficult collective action problems. Theories of international organization aim to explain how institutions can promote cooperation by solving the free rider problem. Based on an analysis of a quintessential global collective action problem—international climate mitigation—this article challenges both this diagnosis of the problem and the concomitant institutional remedies. Important elements of climate mitigation exhibit three key features that depart from the canonical model: joint goods, preference heterogeneity, and increasing returns. The presence of these features creates the possibility for "catalytic cooperation." Under such conditions, the chief barrier to cooperation is not the threat of free riding but the lack of incentive to act in the first place. States and other actors seek to solve this problem by creating "catalytic institutions" that work to shift actors' preferences and strategies toward cooperative outcomes over time. While catalytic institutions can be seen in many areas of world politics, the 2015 Paris Agreement on climate change has put this logic of cooperation at its core, raising the possibility that similar catalytic institutions may facilitate cooperation in other areas of world politics characterized by analogous problem structures.
Result of a joint research project conducted by the Institute for International Political Studies (ISPI) and the Center for Strategic Studies under the President of the Republic of Azerbaijan (SAM), the volume "Cooperation in Eurasia: Linking Identity, Security, and Development" aims to shed light on the drivers and on the rationale behind regional cooperation in Eurasia. In particular it investigates and ponder the weight of identity issues, security perceptions, and economic development needs for interstate cooperation in the Eurasian context, by taking into account both supra-national frameworks and regional scenarios. Accordingly, the book is divided in two parts, focusing respectively on "Cooperation and Competition at Multilateral Level" and on "Regional Case Studies".
This work is part of the study conducted within the research work entitled "The cluster as a theoretical and practical tool of the Portuguese International Cooperation for the Development: the case of Mozambique, East Timor, São Tomé and Principe and Angola" and the PhD thesis entitled "The influence of the clusters in the cooperation for the development at the level of aid effectiveness. The case of good governance in Guinea-Bissau" in which the main goals regard the certification of the aid effectiveness of the cooperation clusters and the conception of a strategy of implementation of the cooperation clusters. In this paper we intend to reflect about the effectiveness of the clusters in the cooperation for the development by analyzing the opinions of previous and current political leaders, leaders of the autonomous state administration and of members of the civil society involved in the adoption and implementation of the cooperation clusters in Portugal. These preliminary results point out to the need of establishing a strategy of definition and implementation of the cooperation clusters so that the goals of aid effectiveness can be achieved. ; Este trabalho enquadra-se na investigação realizada no âmbito do projeto de investigação intitulado "O cluster como instrumento teórico e prático da Cooperação Internacional para o Desenvolvimento portuguesa: o caso de Moçambique, Timor Leste, São Tomé e Príncipe e Angola" e da tese de doutoramento intitulada "A influência dos clusters na cooperação para o desenvolvimento ao nível da eficácia na ajuda. O caso da boa governação na Guiné-Bissau" em que os principais objetivos são comprovar a eficácia da ajuda dos clusters da cooperação e conceber uma estratégia de implementação dos clusters da cooperação respetivamente. Neste artigo pretendemos refletir sobre a eficácia dos clusters na cooperação para o desenvolvimento através das opiniões de antigos e atuais governantes, dirigentes da administração autónoma do estado e membros de organizações da sociedade civil envolvidos na adoção e implementação dos clusters da cooperação em Portugal. Estes resultados preliminares apontam para a necessidade de se estabelecer uma estratégia de definição e implementação dos clusters da cooperação para que possam ser alcançados os pressupostos da eficácia da ajuda.
This explanatory note maps migration cooperation in Europe that involves directly Armenia, Azerbaijan, Belarus, Georgia, Moldova, Ukraine and the Russian Federation.1 It also tries to map possible channels of policy transfer from the EU to its Eastern Neighbourhood. It must be underlined that this part of the mapping exercise is limited to EU-related cooperation. It does not take into account processes in the post-Soviet space (e.g. Shanghai Process, GUAM or BSEC), nor, indeed, UN-level cooperation (IOM, UNDP, UNHCR etc.). ; Consortium for Applied Research on International Migration (CARIM-East) is co-financed by the European University Institute and the European Union
Project Turnstone is a collaborative project partly funded by the European Commission. The project is an initiative by the Stockholm Police. Collaborating partners in the project are the Swedish Coast Guard; Region Northeast, the Helsinki Police, the Gulf of Finland Coast Guard District, the Police and Border Guard Board in Estonia, the State Border Guard of the Republic of Latvia, and the State Border Guard Service at the Ministry of Interior of the Republic of Lithuania. The aim of this project is to decrease trans-boundary criminality and improve day-today cooperation between border officers in the Baltic Sea region. This study analyses this collaborative project and especially the operative joint activities conducted during the implementation of project Turnstone. What is unique about the Turnstone model of working is the implementation of the operative action week where officers have the chance of exchanging, sharing, and cooperating with immediate action in the same office using their own channels of information. The purpose of the study is to map and analyse how the staff of the different organizations experience, understand, and define successful cooperation and collaboration obstacles encountered during cooperation with neighbouring organizations. The study is qualitative and based on ethnographically gathered material such as field observations at the different border agencies and qualitative interviews. 73 interviews were conducted with border police officers, police officers, border guards, and coast guard officers from the participating organizations. The findings suggest that interviewed officers see Project Turnstone as a rare opportunity for close, personal cooperation where officers can build strong police, border, and coast guard networks and increase and strengthen previous cooperating practices. This is due to colocation and interpersonal interaction where officers can learn about each other's organizational practices, establish trust, and achieve the same goals. On the other hand, collaboration obstacles were also raised, such as language and communication difficulties, differences in national legislations, and fear that the opportunities for joint action weeks and close cooperation will diminish after the termination of project Turnstone. Despite these obstacles, interviewed officers share a common sense of purpose and motivation and see close interpersonal cooperation as the best way of protecting the EU and Schengen area from criminality in the Baltic Sea area.
Shanghai Cooperation Organization was founded in 2001 under a Declaration signed by the leaders of five independent states from the territory of former Soviet Union and the President of the People's Republic of China. The Charter, adopted by the organization's member states as their basic document, emphasizes their commitment to strengthen their mutual trust and good-neighborliness and friendly cooperation; to keep and maintain the peace, stability and security of the region; as well as to fight together against all forms of terrorism, separatism and extremism. Although there are significant differences between the member states in almost all matters of social and governmental organization, over its ten-year existence the Shanghai Cooperation Organization has proved its vitality and has become respectable entity not only of the regional but also of international cooperation on the whole. In recent years all main actors of contemporary international relations have tried to establish and develop the cooperation with this important intergovernmental association. What the further development of the Shanghai Cooperation Organization will be like and where the organization will be positioned within the future world order is difficult to be definitely determined. Apart from the role of the two leading states of this organization - Russia and China, its eventual position will be greatly influenced by other major international factors as well, which, in the era of unstable energy and other forms of security, find the area of Central Asia ever more significant and attractive.
Since China and India ("Asian drivers") and other "rising powers," especially Brazil and South Africa, began their steady climb, international cooperation has been faced not only with new opportunities, but also with a number of specific challenges. During the political debate new variants of colonial relations have also been identified from time to time. A sober look at South-South cooperation shows, however, that neither hasty condemnation nor euphoria is helpful: what is needed is an objective debate in which all the actors involved in development cooperation participate. To clarify the role of South-South cooperation, the following subjects are outlined: Current tendencies in South-South cooperation (trade, investment, finance) South-South cooperation: the role of the Asian drivers in African countries Prospects for South-South cooperation and recommendations for international cooperation. In the past decade South-South trade has expanded more quickly than North-South trade. South-South investment too has shown unprecedented dynamism. Investors from the South often have important regional know-how, use appropriate technologies and prove more willing to take business risks in a difficult political environment. A further indicator of the increased importance of South-South cooperation is the fact that countries in the South have become an additional source of official development assistance (ODA). The data on the actual scale of South-South development cooperation are still fragmentary, however.Current trade and investment flows between China and Africa are substantially driven by complementary structures in the two regions: African raw materials for Chinese industrial goods. In contrast, Indian trade and investment flows to Africa largely concern manufacturing industry and the service sector. Recently, however, India has similarly stepped up its foreign direct investment (FDI) in the oil sector. In China, India and most other countries in the South there is in fact no clear distinction between concessionary and commercial flows.In general, China's and India's development cooperation is well integrated into their foreign, economic and security policies. Conceptually, it is guided by the Bandung Principles, especially that of non-interference in the recipient country's internal affairs. Conditionality along the lines of the OECD/DAC's aid effectiveness concept is rejected by most countries of the South. While the positive sides of the current South-South dynamism are to be seen primarily in the increased inflows of resources, especially to the benefit of poor developing countries, many African states face major challenges because of increased dependence on raw materials and the greater pressure of competition from Asian countries in the case of light manufactures. The high-level dialogues between the G8 and the five leading anchor countries (Brazil, China, India, Mexico and South Africa) announced during the Heiligendamm process may help considerably to ensure that benefits are derived from closer South-South cooperation and that conceivable risks are discussed openly.
The present dissertation is an exploration of the effect of diversity on social contract formation and the evolution of cooperation. This work stems from the pioneering efforts of economist Arthur Robson, who first explored the role of costless pre-game communication in strategic interactions. When communication is permitted, individuals playing a game can condition their behavior on the signal received from their counterpart. For my purposes, I interpret these signals as racial markers or cultural identifiers, which in turn provides a formal framework to precisely study a number of issues relevant to political and social philosophy.My first chapter, "Diversity, Tolerance and the Social Contract," starts by formalizing the state of nature as a game in which individuals can either choose to remain in the state of nature or attempt to found a social contract. I assume there exists some natural diversity in the population, and that individuals are pre-disposed to behave cooperatively with those who are more similar to themselves. I uncover an interesting relationship between diversity, tolerance and the social contract. Social contract formation is possible but initially comes with a cost for both diversity and tolerance. That is to say, individuals quickly all adopt the same signal and only behave cooperatively with those who send similar signals. This, however, is not a long-term feature of the population. In the long run, individuals slowly become more tolerant, cooperating with those who are quite dissimilar to themselves. The circle of cooperation expands, and soon all can partake in a thriving social contract.My second chapter, "Racists and Minorities in Population Games," focuses on the welfare of racial minorities, as well as explores one means of expunging racist attitudes and behaviors from a population. I show that in a wide range of games, minorities are at a distinct disadvantage. Consider the Nash demand game, a canonical bargaining game in which a resource is to be divided between two individuals. I show that in this game, minority status translates into a bargaining disadvantage. In other words, the population tends to settle on an equilibrium in which individuals from theracial majority receive the bulk of the resource. Interestingly, this minority disadvantage is not due to differential abilities or effort, but is instead simply in virtue of the minority's relative size. Second, I consider one means of reducing racist behavior. If individuals are allowed to send a plastic signal that is independent of their fixed racial signal, then individuals tend to condition their behavior on the plastic signal of their counterpart, which in turn facilitates high levels of cooperation.My final chapter, "The Possibility of Pluralism," explores cooperation and diversity in the context of a liberal pluralistic society. In such a society, many different valid conceptions of the good would exist, and individuals would ideally be tolerant of different moral beliefs and practices. Yet under what conditions is such an arrangement possible? Taking my cue from the political philosopher Gregory Kavka, I investigate how disagreement among individuals with different value systems would be settled. Individuals can either compromise and find some middle ground, or dig their heels in and refuse to concede. Using computer simulations, I identify that conflict is minimized when, among other things, individuals are embedded on a social network and are allowed to employ somewhat sophisticated strategies, such as tit-for-tat.
The financial crisis has once again brought up the question of the "perfect size" of local governments and revealed a new dimension of the eternal question of financing self-governing local communities. The paper presents a comparative overview of efforts to determine the "perfect size" of municipalities and recent reforms in different countries aimed at enabling municipalities to ensure both local-level democracy and identity, and economic efficiency in the delivery of public services. One of the most popular ways for achieving this goal is to promote various forms of inter-municipal cooperation. Some forms of inter-municipal cooperation already exist in Slovenia ; a considerable breakthrough in this regard occurred in 2007, but such an approach would have been possible much earlier. Analyses show that this change is due to changes in the rules regarding co-financing. Despite the fact that neither literature nor politics in Slovenia sees inter-municipal cooperation as an alternative to merging municipalities, experiences show that practice will proceed in this direction.
Two future paths are available for European development cooperation: either "cooperation", in which the European Commission takes on the role of network coordinator and Member States take the lead in delivering aid; or "consolidation", in which the EC plays a progressively larger role in shaping policy and delivering aid. The development agenda is evolving in a consolidationist direction, with a greater focus on collective solutions to global problems. However, the EU will find it difficult to move in this direction: the core conditions favouring greater consolidation, including the interests of Member States, do not appear to be met. A survey of development policy-makers confirms this view. There is enthusiasm for greater cooperation, but not for greater consolidation. The 'quick wins' seem to be in the area of standard-setting and measures to improve aid effectiveness, rather than rebalancing between bilateral programmes and the EC.
"Prepared in part for use in cooperation with the campaign for world economic cooperation conducted by the National peace conference."--p. 24. ; Mode of access: Internet.
This edited volume explains the importance of regional public goods (RPGs) for sustainable development and shows why they are particularly important in the context of 21st-century international relations. By presenting a new and original data set and by presenting original essays by renowned scholars, this book lays the foundation for what will become an increasingly important focus for both economic development and international relations as well as for their intersection. This book contains four parts. The first introduces the core issues and concepts that are explored throughout the book as well as a new and original data set on regional public goods (RPGs). The second part further develops specific concepts important for understanding 21st-century RPGs: regional leadership, alliances, networks, and outcomes. The third part examines how cooperation takes place worldwide for a range of important RPGs. The fourth part discusses how public goods are produced in specific regions, stressing that each region has a distinct context and that these contexts overlap in a decentered "multiplex" manner.
Appeared originally in U.S. Congress. Senate. Committee on Government Operations. The U.S. Government and the future of international medical research. Hearing before the Subcommittee on Reorganization and International Organizations, 1960-61. Pt.2. Health exhibits from official sources, Appendix in overseas medical research and assistance. ; Mode of access: Internet.
