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As opposed to philosophy, theology and natural sciences, for which only the singular Man exists, for political theory the decisive fact is the plurality of men. Politics is preoccupied with common and mutual being of different men. It is created among men and established as their connectedness. Freedom exists only in the authentic interspace of politics. We are saved from that freedom in the "necessity of history", which is a revolting absurdity. When one wishes in our time to speak about politics, one must start with the prejudice towards it. The prejudice accurately reflect the truly existing contemporary situation precisely in its political aspects, and suggest that we have ended up in a situation in which we do not quite or do not yet know how to move politically. The prejudice towards politics are manifest in the notion that national politics is made up of lies and deception by corrupt interests and corrupt ideology, while foreign politics hovers between hollow propaganda and brute force. This causes a flight into powerlessness, a desperate desire for men in general to be deprived of the freedom to act. Politics is, always and everywhere, preoccupied with illuminating and dissolving prejudice. If one wishes to dissolve prejudice, one must first discover the past judgment contained therein, i.e. actually show their contents of truth. This is the task of the faculty of judgment, but not as mere capability to subject the individual regularly and adequately to the general that corresponds to it and regarding which there is agreement, but as judgment directly and with no standard. The loss of standard, which truly determines the modern world in its facticity and cannot be annulled by any return to the good, old tradition or any arbitrary setting up of new values and standards, is therefore a catastrophe of the moral world only if one presupposes that men would in fact be completely unable to judge things in and of themselves, and that their faculty of judgment is insufficient for original judgment. Politics is always centered on care for the world organized in this or some different way, without which those who care and who are political, think that life is not worth living. Where men come together, the world always breaks through between them, and all human actions take place in this interspace. Adapted from the source document.

This article examines the scope of Agamben's thesis that the camp is the "nomos" of the world we live in. The author asserts that Agamben's argument in favor of consequentiality includes a call to radical revolutionary change of the world, but that Agamben is unable to utter the call since he has no clear notion of politics freed from law. Kurelic's expose is divided into three segments. In the first one, he focuses on Agamben's disappointment with the corrupt "Free West," especially with the problems that the winners in the Cold War are faced with. In Giorgio Agamben's view, an example of a failed state is his native Italy. In the second segment, the author deals with the "global camp" conception & sets forth the narration in which the contemporary liberal democracy has become one of the incarnations of Leviathan

Glavni je cilj rada utvrditi u kojoj je mjeri novu političku opciju u Hrvatskoj, Most, opravdano nazivati populističkom. Na to pitanje autori nastoje odgovoriti korištenjem recentnih teorijskih, metodoloških i empirijskih uvida politološke literature o populizmu. Analizu temelje na inkluzivnom pristupu populizmu i iz njega izvedenoj istraživačkoj matrici na temelju koje je provedena analiza sadržaja. Analiza samo djelomice potvrđuje teze o Mostu kao populističkoj opciji. Autori smatraju kako je tu opciju najprikladnije kategorizirati kao kombinaciju centrističkog populizma i antiestablišmentske reformske stranke. Tvrde da bi istraživanja populizma trebala razlikovati antielitizam od antiestablišmentske pozicije stranaka i političara. Zanimljivost Mosta vide i u njegovu čudnom i paradoksalnom odnosu prema hrvatskoj političkoj eliti: mostovci kritiziraju političku elitu kao nekompetentnu i korumpiranu, a istodobno zagovaraju politički savez s tom istom elitom kako bi se provele reforme i donio prosperitet hrvatskom društvu. ; The main goal of the paper is to establish to which extent it is justified to label a newly established Croatian party The Bridge (Most) a populist party. In order to answer this question, the paper relies on theoretical, methodological and empirical insights from contemporary literature on populism. The study is based on inclusive approach to populism and accordingly developed categories for content analysis. The analysis only partially confirms the assumption that Most is a populist option. The authors suggest that Most is best described as a combination of centrist populism and an anti-establishment reform party. They suggest that populism research would benefit from distinguishing between anti-elitist and anti-establishment position of parties and politicians. Finally, they argue that the 'curiosity' of Most stems primarily from their awkward and paradoxical relationship towards Croatian political elite: Most's politicians criticise political elite for being incompetent and corrupt, while at the same time advocating alliance with this same elite in order to implement reforms and bring prosperity to Croatian society.

Od široj javnosti nepoznate političke opcije, MOST nezavisnih lista je u manje od godinu dana prije parlamentarnih izbora uspio privući ogromno biračko tijelo i osvojiti čak 19 mandata u Hrvatskom Saboru. Prije toga su u samo pola godina od osnutka do lokalnih izbora u Metkoviću, srušili Stipu Gabrića Jamba koji je tim gradom vladao punih 16 godina. Što je to što je MOST približilo hrvatskim građanima koji su dotad svoje glasove redovito dijelili između HDZ-a i SDP-a? Jesu li to dotad ostvareni uspjesi u Metkoviću ili je MOST svojom političkom komunikacijom uspio uvjeriti građane u svoju politiku, odnosno predstaviti se kao drugačiji, "outsideri" koji se bore protiv snažnih političkih elita? Ovaj diplomski rad kreće od pretpostavke da je MOST nezavisnih lista u svojoj predizbornoj kampanji za parlamentarne izbore 2015. godine veoma uspješno koristio populističke metode kao što su isticanje podjele društva na pošten narod i korumpiranu političku elitu, izjednačavanje s građanima te snažno naglašenu ulogu vođe. ; From unknown political option to the wider public, MOST nezavisnih lista (The Bridge of Independent lists) has in less than a year before Croatian parliamentary election gathered a respectable following winning 19 seats in the Croatian Parliament. Even earlier, the party won local elections in Metković in just 6 months after the establishment conquering Stipe Gabrić Jambo that had ruled the city for 16 years. What is it about MOST that appealed to Croatian citizens that would regularly choose between the Croatian Democratic Union and Social Democratic Party? Is it about their success in Metković or has MOST managed to use its political communication to convince the citizens that their policy is the best, that is, to present itself as a different party, outsiders fighting against strong political elites? This thesis starts from the premise that MOST successfully used populist methods as highlighting the problems of the division of Croatian society into honest people and corrupt political elites, ...

Venezuela je od svog osamostaljenja gospodarstvo temeljila na proizvodnji i izvozu jednog proizvoda. U 19. stoljeću to su bili kava i kakaovac koje je u 20. stoljeću zamijenila nafta. Navedeno je dovelo do nizozemske bolesti koja je gušila ostale gospodarske grane, pa su često korumpirane vlasti kupovale socijalni mir socijalističkim politikama i državnom potrošnjom. 1980-ih došlo je do prvog značajnijeg pada cijene nafte u 20. stoljeću te je Venezuela morala provesti liberalne reforme kako bi dobila pomoć Međunarodnog monetarnog fonda. Uslijedio je veliki pad standarda i BDP-a te masovni prosvjedi. Na valu tog nezadovoljstva na izborima 1998. godine pobjeđuje bivši vojni časnik i neuspjeli pučist Hugo Chavez kojemu oporavak cijene nafte omogućuje pokretanje socijalističkih reformi i gospodarski oporavak zemlje. Eksproprijacije vlasništva privatnih poduzeća i uvođenje cjenovnih ograničenja oslabili su domaće gospodarstvo i uzrokovali inflaciju, dok je rast državne potrošnje opteretio javne financije. Veliki pad cijene nafte 2014. uzrokovao je kolaps venezuelanskog gospodarstva kao i socijalnu i političku krizu. Prilikom izrade rada korišteni su službeni podatci venezuelanske vlade, ministarstava i instituta, te podaci Ujedinjenih Naroda, Svjetske Banke i ostalih organizacija kao i informacije iz venezuelanskih i inozemnih tiskovina i novinskih portala. ; Ever since its independence, Venezuela has based its economy on the manufacturing and export of a single product. In the 19th century, those products were cocoa and coffee beans, which were replaced by oil in the 20th century. This led to the Dutch disease which harmed other sectors of the economy, so the often corrupt governments bought social peace with socialist policies and government spending. During the 1980s, the first significant plunge in oil prices in the 20th century forced the Venezuelan government to conduct liberal reforms in order to receive assistance from the International Monetary Fund. These led to a significant decline in the standard of living and GDP, as well as, mass protests. Due to the popular discontent, the 1998 presidential elections were won by Hugo Chavez, a former military officer and the leader of the failed coup, who used the rebound in oil prices to start socialist reforms and economic recovery. Expropriations of privately owned assets and price controls weakened the domestic economy and led to inflation, while the rise in government spending strained the public finances. The big drop in oil price in 2014 caused the collapse of Venezuelan economy as well as social and political crisis. The data used in making this paper is from the Venezuelan government and its departments and institutes, as well as from the United Nations, the World Bank, other organisations and Venezuelan and foreign newspapers and web portals.