Suchergebnisse

Corruption is a wide-spread phenomenon in the developing world. The term is usually reserved for 'the practice of using the power of office for making private gain in breach of laws and regulations nominally in force', or as more flamboyantly defined by M. McMullan, 'a public official is corrupt if he accepts money…for doing something that he is under duty to do anyway, that he is under duty not to do, or to exercise a legitimate discretion for improper reasons'.1 Corruption is thus a description of activites emanating from and related to officialdom. Irregular activities among private individuals are a matter of private enterprise. They are not usually classified as corruption, but as straightforward theft, fraud, embezzlement, and the like.

IT SEEMS TO ME THAT THE AFRICAN CONTINENT HAS ALWAYS occupied an ambiguous and in the last analysis unhealthy place in the Western mind. To some its vast empty spaces have promised the riches of a new El Dorado together with the piratical thrills associated with their plunder, to others the challenge of a last frontier along which to stake out and defend their interests; while for many Africa was either the dark continent, a corrupt and corruptin place, or the last stronghold of barbarism waiting upon the enlightenment, or a refuge of worldly innocence where a breed of New Men might at last transcend their own past (and ours) and build a society based not on exploitation and conflict but on social justice.

There are certain grounds behind the widespread opinion about the increasingly corrupt conditions of Russian society. However, no abundance of empirical observations, mass judgements, ethical, legal and other assessments can provide understanding of the problem. Moreover, simplified estimates of the phenomenon under consideration can distract from its productive resolution. The phenomenon of corruption seems to be rather complicated. Here we encounter one of the characteristic elements of a certain social mechanism (its 'joints', 'knots', 'regulators', and 'power resources' by no means only metaphorical 'lubrication') under certain conditions of its operation. To this or that extent corruption penetrates different domains of societal life. Therefore it seems to be advisable to analyse the social framework of corruption as a certain type of social action. This approach to the problem is associated with the term 'corruptive' regarding a corresponding social situation and type of social behaviour. The heuristic potential of surveys' findings is in this case limited by, first, the field of vision of the 'mass man' and, second, the prevalence of commonplace stereotypes of perception of such a phenomenon as corruption. No study of public opinion, even the most thorough one, can lead to an understanding of the nature of corruption, explanation of its sources or search of effective ways to overcome it. This by no means misevaluates, for example, mass opinions concerning corruption of different institutions or occupations, the frequency of various forms of bribery and extortion, caused by the immediate experience of respondents, as well as various condemning or justifying assessments, etc. It is also essential that public opinion accumulates in the first place not political or legal and economic but 'humanaspects of corruption, such as willingness of the 'mass man' to reject or accept the conditions of corrupted existence, and the measure of forced adaptation to these conditions, i.e., corrupted state of people themselves under corruptive social conditions. Every corrupt bargain is primarily an agreement about some violation of an accepted norm, rule, tradition or the established order. A corrupt bargain plays the role of an additional mechanism (trigger, switch) that sets in motion, directs or hampers some flows of socially demanded benefits, services or actions. The mechanism of a corruptive act can involve both 'supportingsanctions (a promise of remuneration) and 'threateningones (danger of deprivation of an income or status). Their capacities are unequal since it is possible to urge someone to break some interdiction using both a support and a threat, but to urge someone to do something in a better way seems to be possible only through an additional encouragement. There are no simple solutions in 'struggle' against corruption. In principle, corruption of a social system can be reduced to some minimum within the limits of historical intervals but not in the framework or by means of decrees or appeals. A temptation of 'putting and end', 'striking a decisive blow', etc., is dangerous primarily because the term 'corruption' has the capacity of a mass-scale emotional irritant. Any populist 'struggle' of this kind was always reduced to attempts of replacing the undesirable economic bribery with a desirable ideological one. ; There are certain grounds behind the widespread opinion about the increasingly corrupt conditions of Russian society. However, no abundance of empirical observations, mass judgements, ethical, legal and other assessments can provide understanding of the problem. Moreover, simplified estimates of the phenomenon under consideration can distract from its productive resolution. The phenomenon of corruption seems to be rather complicated. Here we encounter one of the characteristic elements of a certain social mechanism (its 'joints', 'knots', 'regulators', and 'power resources' by no means only metaphorical 'lubrication') under certain conditions of its operation. To this or that extent corruption penetrates different domains of societal life. Therefore it seems to be advisable to analyse the social framework of corruption as a certain type of social action. This approach to the problem is associated with the term 'corruptive' regarding a corresponding social situation and type of social behaviour. The heuristic potential of surveys' findings is in this case limited by, first, the field of vision of the 'mass man' and, second, the prevalence of commonplace stereotypes of perception of such a phenomenon as corruption. No study of public opinion, even the most thorough one, can lead to an understanding of the nature of corruption, explanation of its sources or search of effective ways to overcome it. This by no means misevaluates, for example, mass opinions concerning corruption of different institutions or occupations, the frequency of various forms of bribery and extortion, caused by the immediate experience of respondents, as well as various condemning or justifying assessments, etc. It is also essential that public opinion accumulates in the first place not political or legal and economic but 'humanaspects of corruption, such as willingness of the 'mass man' to reject or accept the conditions of corrupted existence, and the measure of forced adaptation to these conditions, i.e., corrupted state of people themselves under corruptive social conditions. Every corrupt bargain is primarily an agreement about some violation of an accepted norm, rule, tradition or the established order. A corrupt bargain plays the role of an additional mechanism (trigger, switch) that sets in motion, directs or hampers some flows of socially demanded benefits, services or actions. The mechanism of a corruptive act can involve both 'supportingsanctions (a promise of remuneration) and 'threateningones (danger of deprivation of an income or status). Their capacities are unequal since it is possible to urge someone to break some interdiction using both a support and a threat, but to urge someone to do something in a better way seems to be possible only through an additional encouragement. There are no simple solutions in 'struggle' against corruption. In principle, corruption of a social system can be reduced to some minimum within the limits of historical intervals but not in the framework or by means of decrees or appeals. A temptation of 'putting and end', 'striking a decisive blow', etc., is dangerous primarily because the term 'corruption' has the capacity of a mass-scale emotional irritant. Any populist 'struggle' of this kind was always reduced to attempts of replacing the undesirable economic bribery with a desirable ideological one.

"The riveting third edition of this New York Times bestselling title expands its focus to China, exposes corruption on an international scale, and offers much-needed solutions. Extensively updated, this edition features fourteen new chapters, including a new introduction and conclusion. The book brings the story of economic hit men (EHMs) up-to-date and focuses on China's EHM strategy. EHMs are highly paid professionals who use development loans to cheat countries around the globe out of trillions of dollars and force them to serve US interests. Former economic hit man John Perkins gives an insider view into this system. With a truly global perspective, this book offers powerful revelations on extremely timely elements, including the third economic hit man wave that is sweeping the world and the way China optimizes US EHM models to make them a more dominating force. China's strategy is even more dangerous since it's successful at enticing lower income nations. Perkins also reveals how we can transform what he calls a failing Death Economy into a Life Economy. He encourages China's leaders to apply the Confucian ideal of serving the family to the global community to end the EHM strategy. The book ultimately provides a source of hope and inspires readers to participate in a new era of global cooperation"--

"Having engaged in an intensified war against corruption for more than four decades since the reform and opening up, China is now at a turning point of its anti-corruption reform. Many believe that building government integrity has been a top-down process in China and the anti-corruption strategies taken by the current administration seem to have confirmed it. This book challenges the view by analyzing local anti-corruption innovations in recent years and argues for the importance of bottom-up efforts in controlling corruption. The book attempts to answer the question of whether the rise of local anti-corruption innovations has helped China to pursue anti-corruption reform more effectively and, if so, why. It proceeds to analyse the major patterns of local anti-corruption innovations, the ways in which they have been initiated and implemented, and the factors influencing their success or failure. The book includes more than 400 cases of local innovative anti-corruption reforms in China in the recent years. This book will be a useful reference to those interested to learn more about anti-corruption studies and also contributes to the study of corruption and anti-corruption reform in China by providing solid and fresh evidence of anti-corruption innovation by local governments"--

"There have been spectacular villains in business that have received a great deal of attention in recent years, such as Elizabeth Holmes, Adam Neumann, and the Sackler family. All of them were supported to varying extents by others who were integral to their rise and fall, what business psychologist Max Bazerman calls "a cast of complicitors." Did those others know the extent they were contributing to unethical behaviour? How responsible were they for such behavior? In Profiles in Complicity, Bazerman explores the role that others play in supporting unethical behavior in workplaces and organizations, through a host of examples such as those above, and offers a guide for readers to examine the roles they themselves may have in enabling wrongdoing and the responsibility we all have to keep harm-doers from destroying our organizations and our society. The book synthesizes scholarship from a range of disciplines, including psychology, philosophy, economics, and sociology, and provides useful approaches to thinking about all levels of complicity. Bazerman starts with a set of chapters exploring various profiles on differnet types of complicity, ranging from those who are knowing, true partners of wrong-doers to those who unknowingly benefit from systemic priviledge, or those who are overly loyal to an organization . Many readers will have witnessed people engaging in behaviors they believed were wrong, behaviors they would never engage in themselves, and then had to discern whether and how to take action. Profiles in Complicity will help readers understand the psychology of complicity, avoid being complicit in wrongdoing, and become better employees, citizens, and human beings in the process. The book will also offer direct guidance for organizations seeking to avoid ethical lapses, beyond simply looking for bad apples."

Cover -- Title -- Copyright -- Contents -- Introduction -- Prologue -- 1 New Breed of Criminal, New Breed of Squad -- 2 The Luton Post Office Murder -- 3 The Soho Connection -- 4 Rotten from the Outside In -- 5 A Beautiful Friendship Ends -- 6 The Sweeney Get Nicked -- 7 Crawling from the Abyss -- Coda -- Bibliography.

"This Russia thing is far from over" -- The president fires the FBI director -- Mueller's arrival pushes Trump to the brink -- Trump turns to a loyal ally for help -- "Maybe I'll have to get rid of him" -- The president goes after Mueller's witnesses.

The diamond fields of Chiadzwa, among the world's largest sources of rough diamonds have been at the centre of struggles for power in Zimbabwe since their discovery in 2006. Against the backdrop of a turbulent political economy, control of Chiadzwa's diamonds was hotly contested. By 2007 a new case of 'blood diamonds' had emerged, in which the country's security forces engaged with informal miners and black market dealers in the exploitation of rough diamonds, violently disrupting local communities and looting a key national resource. The formalisation of diamond mining in 2010 introduced new forms of large-scale theft, displacement and rights abuses. Facets of Power is the first comprehensive account of the emergence, meaning and profound impact of Chiadzwa's diamonds. Drawing on new fieldwork and published sources, the contributors present a graphic and accessibly written narrative of corruption and greed, as well as resistance by those who have suffered at the hands of the mineral's secretive and violent beneficiaries. If the lessons of resistance have been mostly disheartening ones, they also point towards more effective strategies for managing public resources, and mounting democratic challenges to elites whose power is sustained by preying on them.

The never-before-told full story of the history-changing break-in at the FBI office in Media, Pennsylvania, by a group of unlikely activists-quiet, ordinary, hardworking Americans-that made clear the shocking truth and confirmed what some had long suspected, that J. Edgar Hoover had created and was operating, in violation of the U.S. Constitution, his own shadow Bureau of Investigation. It begins in 1971 in an America being split apart by the Vietnam War . . . A small group of activists-eight men and women-the Citizens Commission to Investigate the FBI, inspired by Daniel Berrigan's rebellious Catholic peace movement, set out to use a more active, but nonviolent, method of civil disobedience to provide hard evidence once and for all that the government was operating outside the laws of the land. The would-be burglars-nonpro's-were ordinary people leading lives of purpose: a professor of religion and former freedom rider; a day-care director; a physicist; a cab driver; an antiwar activist, a lock picker; a graduate student haunted by members of her family lost to the Holocaust and the passivity of German civilians under Nazi rule.Betty Medsger's extraordinary book re-creates in resonant detail how this group of unknowing thieves, in their meticulous planning of the burglary, scouted out the low-security FBI building in a small town just west of Philadelphia, taking into consideration every possible factor, and how they planned the break-in for the night of the long-anticipated boxing match between Joe Frazier (war supporter and friend to President Nixon) and Muhammad Ali (convicted for refusing to serve in the military), knowing that all would be fixated on their televisions and radios.Medsger writes that the burglars removed all of the FBI files and, with the utmost deliberation, released them to various journalists and members of

Peterson examines conditions and structures that led to abuses in the mutual fund industry. He seeks to provide understanding of not only the scandal's causes and its effects on investors, but also the regulatory response and reformation process. He breaks the scandal down into three parts: its root causes, regulatory responses by various actors, and attempts at reform and regulation. Key themes (e.g., why attorney generals were more successful in prosecuting this scandal than the SEC) are then identified to aid in a holistic understanding of the market timing and late trading scandal. The findings should help advance our understanding of financial scandals and white-collar crime.

A short history of deregulation -- Recent regulatory history -- Enron -- Deregulation -- Notes -- Corporate self-regulation: form versus substance -- The monitoring board -- Northeast Utilities: a failed competitive strategy -- Cost containment -- Cost containment versus safety regulation -- Short-term earnings increase -- Shutdown and financial crisis -- Enron: abdication of the board -- Background -- Financial engineering -- The Enron board -- Subcommittee findings -- High-risk accounting -- Conflicts of interest -- Inadequate public disclosure -- Royal Dutch Shell Group: management by committee -- The Davis, Polk & Wardwell report -- The Knight Vinke Institutional Partners memorandum -- The financial service authority final notice -- SEC enforcement -- Epilogue -- Observations -- Notes -- Corporate self-regulation: the accountant as gatekeeper -- Introduction -- Auditor acquiescence -- Generally accepted principles and standards -- The audit process -- CMS Energy Corp.: revenue inflation through round-trip trading -- Background -- Auditor's guidance -- Restatement -- Aftermath -- Accounting rules -- Enron: mark-to-market accounting writ large -- History -- Accounting guidance -- Enron seizes the day -- Accounting rules and accounting firms -- Observations -- Notes -- FERC's shortfall as market regulator -- Background -- FERC's legal mandate -- The filed-rate doctrine -- Hub-and-spoke system -- Electric industry mergers -- Observations -- Notes -- The deregulated gas supply market -- Emerging problems -- El Paso: affiliate abuse and market manipulation -- Manipulation of the California energy market -- Settlement and aftermath -- Enrononline: trading platform as manipulation tool -- FERC staff's initial inquiry -- Final report -- Market manipulation of published natural gas indexes -- Dynegy -- AEP -- Williams -- El Paso -- Other companies -- Epilogue -- Observations -- Notes -- Implosion of the California electricity market-Part I -- Background -- The calm before the storm -- Crisis onset -- FERC proceedings -- Notes -- Implosion of the California electricity market-Part II -- Enron's trading schemes -- Load shift -- Ricochet, or megawatt laundering -- Fat boy, or inc-ing load -- Nonfirm exports, death star, and wheel out -- Get shorty -- Selling nonfirm power as firm power -- The investigations widens -- Withholding -- Submitting false load schedules -- Megawatt laundering -- Congestion games -- Ancillary services scams -- Uninstructed generation games -- Sharing nonpublic outage information-and collusion -- Root cause -- Refunds for overcharges -- California goes to court -- Remedial action and settlements at FERC -- FERC revisits market-based rates -- Observations -- Notes -- Market design -- Background -- Order 2000 -- The ramp-up to standard market design -- Standard market design -- Industry reaction and FERC response -- Observations -- Notes -- Changing the ground rules -- Energy Policy Act -- PUHCA repeal -- Merger review authority -- Electricity market transparency, manipulation, and enforcement -- Market transparency -- Manipulation -- Enforcement -- Economic dispatch, native load, and locational installed capacity -- Transmission siting and incentives -- Transmission siting -- Incentive-based transmission rates -- Long-term transmission rights -- Reliability -- PURPA -- Notes -- Conclusion -- The competitive power market brief -- Market design -- Rethinking electricity restructuring -- Real-world response -- A holistic view -- Notes