Suchergebnisse

Tema ovog rada, korupcija, izazov za institucije Kosova, je vrlo široka i aktuelna tema koja obuhvata teorijski i praktični tretman. Korupcija, koja je opisana kao korištenje javne vlasti za pojedine namjene, je vrlo kompleksan pojam. To je odlika raznih društava i država, koja posljednjih nekoliko godina, smatra se kao vrlo prisutna pojava u zemljama u tranziciji, one nerazvijene kao i one u razvoju, navodeći kao prepreka za implementaciju demokratije. Korupcija ima tendenciju da raste brže od dinamike implementiranja za njenu neutralizaciju. Sistematski, korupcija je izazvala i nastavlja da izazive mnoge zabrinjavajuće probleme u svim zemljama svijeta, a posebno na Kosovu. Na osnovu izvještaja Transparency International-a, korupcija je jedna od najvećih izazova savremenog svijeta.Važnost proučavanja ovog problema kroz ovu temu ima za cilj prepoznati veličinu, strukturu i dinamiku ovog fenomena; da analizira sveobuhvatan utjecaj općih faktora. Na osnovu identifikacije problema korupcije, lokalnih i međunarodnih izvještaja koji zaključuju visok nivo ove vrste kriminala, pored drugih područja i u sigurnosnim pitanjima, korupcija se vidi kao ozbiljna rana za naše društvo. Obrazloženje ovog rada je logična posljedica fenomena korupcije u Republici Kosovo.Uzroci, posljedice i borba protiv korupcije su uvijek predmet brojnih istraživanja i razgovora među istraživačima, političarima i drugim akterima koji se bave ovim problemima, ne ostavljajući sa strane i segmentia civilnog društva. Ovi problemi predstavljaju predmet proučavanja ovog rada iz moje perspektive sa namerom da bi se pridružio opšte zabrinutosti zbog ove pojave.Tokom ovog studija će se koristiti različite metodologije, kao metodologija analize slučajeva korupcije, metoda komparativne analize, komparativne metode i statističke metode pojave i borbe protiv korupcije na Kosovu za godine 2012-2014.Za borbu i sprečavanje korupcije, društvo i institucije Kosova, pored preventivnih mjera, bi trebala provesti dostignute mjere iz nauke kriminalistike na osnovu savremenih trendova u sigurnostnom menadžmentu. Krajnji cilj ovog rada je utjelovljenje ili praktična primjena njegovih rezultata i statistike u naporima društva da spriječi, ograničuje i eliminira pojavu korupcije na Kosovu. --- The theme of this paper, corruption, the challenge for Kosovo institutions is a very broad and actual topic, which includes both theoretical and the practical handling. Corruption, which is described as the use of public power for individual purposes is a very complex concept. It is a feature of different societies and countries. In recent years it is considered as a very present phenomenon in transition countries, the least developed ones as well as developing countries, stating corruption as an obstacle to the implementation of democracy. Corruption tends to grow faster than the dynamics implemented to neutralize it. Systematically, it has caused and continues to cause many stressing problems in all countries of the world and especially in Kosovo. Based on a report of the Transparency International, corruption is one of the biggest challenges of the contemporary world.The importance of the study of this problem through this topic aims to recognize the size, structure and dynamics of this phenomenon; to analyze comprehensively the impact of general factors. Based on the identification of the problem of corruption, and local and international reports which establish a high level of this type of crime besides other areas in security issues, corruption is seen as a serious wound for our society. Rationality of this paper is the logical consequence of the corruption phenomenon in the Republic of Kosovo.Causes, consequences and fighting against corruption are always subject to numerous studies and discussions among researchers, politicians and other stakeholders dealing with these problems, not leaving out the segments of civil society. These concerns constitute the object of study of this paper from my perspective in order to join the general concern over this phenomenon.During this study, different methodologies will be used, as follows: methodology of the analysis of corruption cases, the method of comparative analysis, comparative methods and statistical methods of presenting and combating corruption in Kosovo for 2012-2014.For combating and preventing corruption, Kosovo society and institutions, in addition to preventive measures, should implement the measures of science of criminology achieved by contemporary trends in safety management. The ultimate goal of this work is the materialization or practical application of its results and statistics in the society efforts to prevent, limit and eliminate the phenomenon of corruption in Kosovo.

Korupcija je problem koji postoji već dugi niz godina, ali se u zadnje vrijeme o tome više govori i piše u medijima i društvu. U prošlosti na korupciju se gledalo kao na normalnu pojavu, dok se danas ona ipak osuđuje i pokušava spriječiti. Korupcija je zloupotreba ovlasti radi stjecanja privatne koristi. Dvije temeljne podjele su na administrativnu ili birokratsku korupciju i političku. Iako svi misle da je mito jedini oblik korupcije, postoje još mnogi oblici kao što su sukob interesa, nepotizam i klijentelizam. Mnogi se pitaju zašto dolazi do korupcije? Razlozi su mnogobrojni. To mogu biti ekonomski, politički, moralni ili neki drugi razlozi. Naravno, postoje različite teorije koje različito definiraju razloge zbog kojih se javlja korupcija. Korupcija je loša pojava i negativno utječe na čitavo društvo zato što građani gube povjerenje u vlast i korupciju doživljavaju kao normalnu pojavu. Kako bi se korupcija spriječila potrebno je imati dobar zakonodavni okvir, učinkovite institucije u borbi protiv korupcije, aktivno građanstvo, svijest o štetnosti i sankcije za počinitelja korupcije. Stanje u Republici Hrvatskoj s korupcijom nije baš dobro, naime ona je među korumpiranijim državama Europske Unije, unatoč brojnim nastojanjima da se suzbije i spriječi. ; Corruption is the problem that exist a lot of years, but lately this problem is more involved in the media and society. In the past, corruption was a normal thing, but today corruption is condemned and tries to prevent. Corruption is the abuse of power for private gain. Two main types of corruption are administrative (bureaucratic) and political corruption. Although everyone thinks that bribe is the only type of corruption, there are a lots of other forms like conflict of interest, nepotism and clientelism. People are wondering why comes to corruption. There are many reasons. It could be economic, political, moral or some other reason. Of course, there are many theories differently explaining reasons of corruption. Corruption is a bad phenomenon and has a ...

Korupcija na lokalnoj razini zabrinjavajuća je pojava u zemljama Europske unije. Cilj rada je utvrditi obilježja lokalnih vijećnika na drugoj razini vlasti koja opisuju njihovu veću ili manju izloženost korupcijskim pritiscima. Istraživanje, provedeno na više od pet tisuća vijećnika iz 14 europskih država, propituje može li se njihov subjektivni dojam o doživljenim korupcijskim pritiscima opisati njihovim socio-demografskim obilježjima. Rezultati klaster analize su pokazali da u državama Europske unije postoje dvije grupe lokalnih vijećnika koje različito doživljavaju izloženost korupciji i da korupcijski rizici više pogađaju lokalne vijećnike u posttranzicijskim zemljama. Članovi klastera lokalnih vijećnika koji se osjećaju manje izloženi korupcijskim pritiscima su iz 'starih' zemalja Europske unije, zemalja s općenito nižom prisutnosti korupcije, a to su ujedno klasteri s većim udjelom žena i profesionalnih političara u odnosu na klaster vijećnika koji su pod većim korupcijskim pritiskom. Rezultat koji ponajviše pridonosi postojećoj literaturi je da su opažene statistički značajne razlike u izloženosti korupcijskim pritiscima vijećnika u lokalnim jedinicama veće ili manje fi skalne snage. Svrha rada je bila utvrditi ranjive skupine lokalnih vijećnika u cilju jačanja njihovog integriteta za što su neke preporuke ponuđene u zaključku. ; Corruption at the local level is a worrying phenomenon in the EU. The aim of the paper is to identify characteristics of the councillors at the second tier level that describe opinion about their greater or lesser exposure to corruption pressures. The goal of the analysis of opinion of more than five thousand councillors from 14 European countries is to investigate whether their subjective impression of the underlying corruption pressures can be described by their socio-demographic characteristics. Results of the cluster analysis have shown that there are two groups of local councillors in the EU, that they experience corruption differently, and that the corruption risks affect local councillors in post-transition countries more. Local councillors who consider that they are less exposed to corruption pressures are from the "old" EU countries, from countries with a generally lower level of corruption. This is also a cluster with a greater share of women and professional politicians. There are statistically significant differences observed regarding their exposure to corruption between councillors in local government units with larger or smaller level of fi scal decentralisation, and this is the most interesting finding of this research. The purpose of this paper was to identify vulnerable groups of local councillors in order to strengthen their integrity, for which some of the recommendations are given in the conclusion.

Korupcija na lokalnoj razini zabrinjavajuća je pojava u zemljama Europske unije. Cilj rada je utvrditi obilježja lokalnih vijećnika na drugoj razini vlasti koja opisuju njihovu veću ili manju izloženost korupcijskim pritiscima. Istraživanje, provedeno na više od pet tisuća vijećnika iz 14 europskih država, propituje može li se njihov subjektivni dojam o doživljenim korupcijskim pritiscima opisati njihovim socio-demografskim obilježjima. Rezultati klaster analize su pokazali da u državama Europske unije postoje dvije grupe lokalnih vijećnika koje različito doživljavaju izloženost korupciji i da korupcijski rizici više pogađaju lokalne vijećnike u posttranzicijskim zemljama. Članovi klastera lokalnih vijećnika koji se osjećaju manje izloženi korupcijskim pritiscima su iz 'starih' zemalja Europske unije, zemalja s općenito nižom prisutnosti korupcije, a to su ujedno klasteri s većim udjelom žena i profesionalnih političara u odnosu na klaster vijećnika koji su pod većim korupcijskim pritiskom. Rezultat koji ponajviše pridonosi postojećoj literaturi je da su opažene statistički značajne razlike u izloženosti korupcijskim pritiscima vijećnika u lokalnim jedinicama veće ili manje fi skalne snage. Svrha rada je bila utvrditi ranjive skupine lokalnih vijećnika u cilju jačanja njihovog integriteta za što su neke preporuke ponuđene u zaključku. ; Corruption at the local level is a worrying phenomenon in the EU. The aim of the paper is to identify characteristics of the councillors at the second tier level that describe opinion about their greater or lesser exposure to corruption pressures. The goal of the analysis of opinion of more than five thousand councillors from 14 European countries is to investigate whether their subjective impression of the underlying corruption pressures can be described by their socio-demographic characteristics. Results of the cluster analysis have shown that there are two groups of local councillors in the EU, that they experience corruption differently, and that the corruption risks affect local councillors in post-transition countries more. Local councillors who consider that they are less exposed to corruption pressures are from the "old" EU countries, from countries with a generally lower level of corruption. This is also a cluster with a greater share of women and professional politicians. There are statistically significant differences observed regarding their exposure to corruption between councillors in local government units with larger or smaller level of fi scal decentralisation, and this is the most interesting finding of this research. The purpose of this paper was to identify vulnerable groups of local councillors in order to strengthen their integrity, for which some of the recommendations are given in the conclusion.

This paper shows the theoretical framework and the review of empirical evidence of the effect that corruption has on the socio-economic development. The main goals of this paper are: to present the possible origins of corruption, and to analyze the existing models to eliminate or at least to reduce corruption in the society. In the paper, it is argued that anticorruption models should also include the strategy for the development of the institutional infrastructure that will change the perception of the members of the society about corruption as an unacceptable model of behavior. Adapted from the source document.

Postalo je gotovo uobičajeno sugerirati kako nove tehnologije, nove politike i nove ekonomije donose mnoge izazove koji ugrožavaju opstojnost koncepta javne radio-televizije (engl. public service broadcasting) i institucija javnih radio-televizija. Iz tih izazova, u duhu plemenitog optimizma, proizišla je ideja kako javne radio-televizije mogu biti redefinirane u javne medijske servise i kako njihova vrijednost može biti mjerljiva pa samim time i "vjerodostojna". Ovaj pak članak sugerira ne samo da je to vjerojatno pogrešno nego i da je ono što je zapravo na stvari povijesno određena borba oko vrijednosti koje će modernitet prihvatiti. ; It has become common place to suggest that the concept and institutions of public service broadcasting (PSB) are being fundamentally challenged by new technologies, new politics and new economics. Out of these challenges, in a kind of noble optimism, has emerged the idea that PSB can be reimagined as public service media, the worth of which can be made measurable and therefore 'accountable.' This article suggests that not only is this likely misplaced, it also masks the fact that what is actually in play is a historically defined struggle over the values that will constitute modernity.

The author analyses two mutually linked phenomena -- corruption & money laundering -- a negative phenomena, which are today very widespread in a number of countries. The prevention of corruption & money laundering represents one of the leading challenges of modern social changes. Appearing in political & social life, they convince citizens & the public that society cannot function without corruption & money laundering. These criminal acts are skillfully covered up & difficult to reveal, thanks to the support of bureaucracy, technocracy & plutocracy of certain society. Adapted from the source document.

The author analyses the impact of exercising the right to access to information & respecting of transparency for the prevention of corruption in the EU institutions. These two issues are the key principles of good governance & basic prerequisites for democratic participation, allowing citizens to effectively protect their fundamental rights & liberties through public scrutiny. The EU standards are assessed by comparison with the internationally recognized standards, & five indicators have been used: the scope of the right to access, the scope of exceptions, the administrative & appeal procedure, the protection of whistleblowers, administration performance openness & political will. The author wonders if the adopted regulations & rules of procedure are strict enough to prevent emergence of corruption & maladministration in the EU institutions. References. Adapted from the source document.

Using the analytical model & categories of the American radical political economy as the starting point, the author analyzes the dynamics of economic changes in Croatia in the 1990s. Particularly significant for understanding the dynamics is a dimension that the author, in line with classical political economy, calls the "moral economy of transition." The basic institutional & social structure of accumulation in the Croatian economy of the 1990s was marked by state populism, clientelism, & cronyism -- the result of the HDZ's model of "national capitalism," ie, a specific collusion of economic policy & privatization. That model failed to address the major problems of development or to secure a satisfactory rate of economic growth. That is why the political-economic balance of Croatia's first transitional decade is negative. The author concludes that the second decade will require a new political-economic model, one that will overcome the challenges facing the Croatian society: economic development, increased productivity, smaller government, reconciling the imperative of accumulation & democratic legitimacy, & restoration of moral economy & trust. 4 Tables, 83 References. Adapted from the source document.

The implementation of the "Washington consensus" model in less developed & transitional countries, together with the neoliberal economic development, has also implied the transition from the "bad" to the "good" governance. The concept of the "good" governance centres around the governance ideology of effectiveness & the high-quality public service delivery. The increased effectiveness & capability, however, does not necessarily ensure qualifying governance for a long-term shaping of a state's future. The governance model in transition largely determines the transitional success or failure. The "bad" governance in Croatia is a consequence of low efficacy & rampant corruption as well as of a lack of strategic & creative governance. 41 References. Adapted from the source document.

The concept of social capital (SC) has gained wide acceptance & usage in social sciences, particularly in sociology, political science & institutional economics. This paper reconsiders the dynamics of social capital in Croatia presented in a previous article (Stulhofer, 2001). Using data from the two cross-national social science research projects (World Values Survey -- Croatia 1995 & South East European Social Survey, 2003), the author analyses changes in generalized trust, trust in institutions, & membership in civic associations during the 1995 2003 period. The findings point to a decrease in SC, which can not be solely attributed to the situational effects of war present in 1995. The strongest predictor of the negative dynamics of SC in Croatia remains the perception of corruption within state institutions. 6 Tables, 33 References. Adapted from the source document.

The place & the role of the president of the Republic in the Italian political system are looked into. The starting points are the specific features of the historical evolution of the position of the head of state from the monarchist to the republican context. The institution of the Italian president of the Republic is also specific in the context of the West-European political systems, due to the acceptance of the monarchist prerogatives in the constitutional role of the president of the Republic to the anomalous position of the head of state: they belong to the model of parliamentary political systems but at the same time possess some competences typical for semipresidential systems. The author outlines the historico-political & constitutional grounds of the peculiar position of the president of the republic in the context of the recurrent crises of the political system with unstable governments & volatile coalitions, which gives the president of the state a special, central role as the political arbiter super partes, the guardian of the Constitution & the political guarantor of the country's stability in the permanent legitimation crisis of the Italian political parties during the transition from the First to the Second Republic. Some new variables are introduced into the analysis of the political role of the president of the Republic that significantly differs from the constitutional role, due to the evolution of political communication & the new forms of political conflict which require from the president of the Republic to adjust to the new rules of the democratic game. Tables, References. Adapted from the source document.

The paper presents results of the research into main messages of the 2011 parliamentary election campaign in Croatia. Contents analysis of television adverts and billboards show that the campaign was defined more by utilitarian marketing than by ambition to improve the democratic process and enhance debate on important social issues. In interpreting the results, we use the theoretical approach of Americanization, developed in the framework of contemporary political communication. The research has shown that there has been much more modernization in communication skills and technics used during the campaign, and much less when it comes to political contents. The paradox of this campaign was that it failed to focus on issues such as economic crisis and the struggle against corruption, although there has been a wide consensus that these were the main issues of political and social life at the time of elections. Adapted from the source document.