Following the case of the disappearance of the 43 Ayotzinapa students, the Pandora's Box was opened: pits filled with bodies, corruption, impunity and institutional weakness of a state where politicians, police and authorities at all three government levels have been infiltrated by the organized crime. In Mexico, corruption and drug trafficking are common and the economic reforms are not enough if they do not go together with an effective program of combating corruption and the society is not the main beneficiary of the reforms.This article will explain the background of the Ayotzinapa case, the characteristics of the Mexican political system that allow cases like Ayotzinapa, the consequences of the fight against organized crime launched by ex-President Felipe Calderon, the behavior of a sleeping civil society tired of the reduced economic results and where the state does not have the monopoly of the authority and does not guarantee security.
Following the case of the disappearance of the 43 Ayotzinapa students, the Pandora's Box was opened: pits filled with bodies, corruption, impunity and institutional weakness of a state where politicians, police and authorities at all three government levels have been infiltrated by the organized crime. In Mexico, corruption and drug trafficking are common and the economic reforms are not enough if they do not go together with an effective program of combating corruption and the society is not the main beneficiary of the reforms.This article will explain the background of the Ayotzinapa case, the characteristics of the Mexican political system that allow cases like Ayotzinapa, the consequences of the fight against organized crime launched by ex-President Felipe Calderon, the behavior of a sleeping civil society tired of the reduced economic results and where the state does not have the monopoly of the authority and does not guarantee security.
Corruption is linked to the issue of clientelism. This fact establishes a wide understanding of its phenomenon. This wide context and understanding of corruption is simplified by the recognition of the patron-client system that accompanies corruption or is even identified with it. Clientelism may be of a personal or mass character, and it consists of a mutual provision of services, without the need of laying out funds to achieve a common goal. The socio-economic transformation, being a profound and thorough reform of the system and institutions, promotes corruption practices (the process of transfer of resources from public to private sector progressed swiftly). Corruption provides means for maintaining and developing the client networks. Patron-client relations are of secondary nature in some societies; in other societies they substantially influence the shape of the political and economic system, as well as the social structure. Such relations may transgress the borders between classes
Socio-economic transformation as profound and thorough reform of the system and institutions promotes corruption practices and can be the mean to fight against one, too. Two kinds of understanding of corruption may be indicated: narrow (pathologic and functional interpretation) and wider underlined the neo-institutional argumentation, pointing out to systemic and structural causes of corruption. A theoretical and practical problem remains, whether corruption are of systemic nature (fundamental institution), or are secondary (consequence institutuion). The analysis of corruption, may be done by means of the new institutionalism and consequence theories: transaction costs, theory of property rights, theory of clubs, principal-agent theory, theory of asymmetry information, capture theories, rent seeking theory, theory of games and theory of public choice. The dynamics of the polish economy and wide researches of corruption (the differences between perceiving and experiencing) indicates that the corruption factors which paralyse the economic development have not dominated the economic system in Poland as yet, and that system maintains its autonomy. Still, typical corruption-clientelistic societies are contemporary not common, in Poland too. The above problems do not change the fact that corruption are a major problem and in the long run would causes loss of competitiveness polish economy on the global market. ; Społeczno-ekonomiczna transformacja jako głęboka reforma systemu i instytucji przyczynia się do korupcyjnych praktyk, ale może być też narzędziem w walce z tym zjawiskiem. Występują dwa rozumienia korupcji: węższe (patologiczna i funkcjonalna interpretacja) i szersze podkreślające argumentację neoinstytucjonalną (systemowe i strukturalne źródła korupcji). Teoretycznym i praktycznym problemem pozostaje więc, czy korupcja ma naturę systemową (fundamentalna instytucja), czy drugorzędną (instytucja pochodna). Narzędziem badań może być nowy instytucjonalizm i zawierające się w nim teorie: kosztów transakcyjnych, praw własności, klubów, pryncypała-agenta, asymetrii informacji, .zawłaszczenia, pogoni za rentą, teorii gier i teorii wyboru publicznego. Dynamika polskiej gospodarki i szerokie badania korupcji (różnice między jej postrzeganiem a doświadczeniem) wskazują, że korupcyjne czynniki, które ograniczają wzrost ekonomiczny nie zdominowały jeszcze polskiej gospodarki i zachowuje ona swoją autonomię. Typowe społeczeństwa klientelistyczno-korupcyjne nie są obecnie zjawiskiem powszechnym, także w Polsce. Nie zmienia to jednak tego, że korupcja pozostaje głównym społecznym problemem i dłuższym horyzoncie czasowym może powodować utratę konkurencyjności polskiej gospodarki na globalnym rynku.
Socio-economic transformation as profound and thorough reform of the system and institutions promotes corruption practices and can be the mean to fight against one, too. Two kinds of understanding of corruption may be indicated: narrow (pathologic and functional interpretation) and wider underlined the neo-institutional argumentation, pointing out to systemic and structural causes of corruption. A theoretical and practical problem remains, whether corruption are of systemic nature (fundamental institution), or are secondary (consequence institutuion). The analysis of corruption, may be done by means of the new institutionalism and consequence theories: transaction costs, theory of property rights, theory of clubs, principal-agent theory, theory of asymmetry information, capture theories, rent seeking theory, theory of games and theory of public choice. The dynamics of the polish economy and wide researches of corruption (the differences between perceiving and experiencing) indicates that the corruption factors which paralyse the economic development have not dominated the economic system in Poland as yet, and that system maintains its autonomy. Still, typical corruption-clientelistic societies are contemporary not common, in Poland too. The above problems do not change the fact that corruption are a major problem and in the long run would causes loss of competitiveness polish economy on the global market. ; Społeczno-ekonomiczna transformacja jako głęboka reforma systemu i instytucji przyczynia się do korupcyjnych praktyk, ale może być też narzędziem w walce z tym zjawiskiem. Występują dwa rozumienia korupcji: węższe (patologiczna i funkcjonalna interpretacja) i szersze podkreślające argumentację neoinstytucjonalną (systemowe i strukturalne źródła korupcji). Teoretycznym i praktycznym problemem pozostaje więc, czy korupcja ma naturę systemową (fundamentalna instytucja), czy drugorzędną (instytucja pochodna). Narzędziem badań może być nowy instytucjonalizm i zawierające się w nim teorie: kosztów transakcyjnych, praw własności, klubów, pryncypała-agenta, asymetrii informacji, .zawłaszczenia, pogoni za rentą, teorii gier i teorii wyboru publicznego. Dynamika polskiej gospodarki i szerokie badania korupcji (różnice między jej postrzeganiem a doświadczeniem) wskazują, że korupcyjne czynniki, które ograniczają wzrost ekonomiczny nie zdominowały jeszcze polskiej gospodarki i zachowuje ona swoją autonomię. Typowe społeczeństwa klientelistyczno-korupcyjne nie są obecnie zjawiskiem powszechnym, także w Polsce. Nie zmienia to jednak tego, że korupcja pozostaje głównym społecznym problemem i dłuższym horyzoncie czasowym może powodować utratę konkurencyjności polskiej gospodarki na globalnym rynku.
artykuł w: Wschód Europy : studia humanistyczno-społeczne Vol. 7, Nr 1 (2021), s. 101-118 ; streszczenia w językach angielskim, polskim, rosyjskim ; artykuł w: Wschód Europy : studia humanistyczno-społeczne Vol. 7, Nr 1 (2021), s. 101-118 ; streszczenia w językach angielskim, polskim, rosyjskim
Creating independent agencies, offices or anti-corruption commissions becomes a common practice used by the states aiming to a comprehensive fight against corruption. This kind of institutional arrangements introduced in many countries in Europe, Africa, Asia and America, also in Poland created an anti-corruption agency called the Central Anticorruption Bureau. The need for creation of anti-corruption agencies also highlighted at international level. A number of international documents on preventing and combating corruption contain a requirement to create the appropriate agency or unit whose main purpose is to prevent and combat corruption. The paper reviews the institutional solutions adopted in different countries, with special emphasis on the leading anti-corruption agencies in the world (in Hong Kong, Singapore and Australia) and those countries, where according to the Corruption Perceptron Index, which estimates the level of corruption in the country, have not reached the highest results, to demonstrate that such institutions per se do not eliminate corruption. Many other factors play more important role, like, three-dimensional strategy: detection, prevention and public education. ; Tworzenie niezależnych agencji, biur lub komisji antykorupcyjnych staje się częstą praktyką stosowaną przez państwa zmierzającą do kompleksowej walki z korupcją. Tego rodzaju rozwiązania instytucjonalne wprowadziło wiele państw w Europie, Afryce, Azji i Ameryce, również w Polsce utworzono antykorupcyjną agencję pod nazwą Centralne Biuro Antykorupcyjne. Na potrzebę tworzenia agencji antykorupcyjnych zwrócono również uwagę na płaszczyźnie międzynarodowej. Szereg konwencji dotyczących zapobiegania i zwalczania korupcji zobowiązuje strony do tworzenia odpowiedniego organu lub organów, których głównym celem będzie zapobieganie i zwalczanie korupcji. W opracowaniu dokonano przeglądu rozwiązań instytucjonalnych przyjmowanych w różnych państwach, zwracając szczególną uwagę na wiodące w świecie agencje antykorupcyjne (w Hong Kongu, Singapurze i Australii) oraz na te państwa, które wg indeksu percepcji korupcji szacującego ogólny poziom korupcji w państwie nie osiągnęły najwyższych wyników, by wykazać, że instytucje takie per se nie likwidują korupcji. Istotną rolę bowiem odgrywa wiele innych czynników, w szczególności trójwymiarowa strategia: wykrywania, zapobiegania i edukacji społecznej.
The United States-Mexico Borderlands are indispensably associated with organized crime, drug trafficking and illegal migration from Central America to the U.S. Corruption is a factor facilitating functioning of these activities from many years, prevalent among local authorities, companies or law enforcement bodies. This paper is concerned with the way corruption maintains nowadays at the United States-Mexico Borderlands, and through which activities it reveals. The author especially focuses on the analysis of the corruption of law enforcement bodies responsible for maintaining security along the U.SMexico border, and emphasizes inveteracy of corruption in borderland culture and in awareness of its inhabitants. ; Pogranicze amerykańsko-meksykańskie jest nieodzownie kojarzone z przestępczością zorganizowaną, handlem narkotykami oraz nielegalnymi migracjami ludności z Ameryki Centralnej do USA. Korupcja stanowi czynnik od lat ułatwiający funkcjonowanie tych procederów, obecna wśród lokalnych władz, podmiotów gospodarczych czy instytucji stojących na straży prawa. Artykuł traktuje o tym, w jaki sposób współcześnie kształtuje się korupcja na terenie pogranicza amerykańsko-meksykańskiego oraz poprzez jakie działania się objawia. Autorka koncentruje się w szczególności na analizie skorumpowanych organów ścigania odpowiedzialnych za utrzymywanie bezpieczeństwa wzdłuż granicy USA-Meksyk, a także wskazuje na zakorzenienie korupcji w kulturze pogranicza i świadomości jego mieszkańców.
The phenomenon of political corruption may affect the process of vertical accountability. Its effect is connected with influencing three components: the information, evaluation and administrative one. Local authorities may weaken the effects of vertical accountability by affecting its course. In the case of political corruption, the most effective way of disrupting the effectiveness of vertical accountability is to affect the information component. It takes place by means of information asymmetry and the management of communication uncertainty. In the case of evaluation component, the mechanism of weakening accountability assumes the rejection of the model of economic voting in favor of axiological or sociotropic one. The administrative component provides relatively least opportunities to weaken the accountability process. In that case, they involve intentionally changing some elements of the voting system.
On January 19, 2012, the European Commission (Commission) decided to launch a visa liberalisation dialogue with Kosovo, and on June 14, 2012, it handed over to Kosovo's government a 'Roadmap Towards a Visa-free Regime'. This document included 95 requirements that Kosovo had to fulfil. By 2016, the Commission had adopted four reports on progress made by Kosovo in the visa dialogue. In a report issued on May 4, 2016, the EC proposed to the Council of the EU (Council) and the European Parliament (EP) to lift visa requirements on the citizens of Kosovo. The Commission stressed that by the day of the adoption of the proposal by the EP and the Council, Kosovo must have ratified the border/boundary agreement with Montenegro and strengthened its track record in the fight against organised crime and corruption. On July 18, 2018, the Commission confirmed in a report on the progress made by Kosovo in the visa dialogue, that the country had fulfilled the last two requirements included in the roadmap. The aim of this article is to analyse the visa-liberalisation dialogue between the European Union (EU) and Kosovo and whether liberalisation through a visa-free regime with Kosovo had an influence on reducing organised crime and corruption in Kosovo. The article is based on an analysis of primary and secondary sources, as well as statistical data.
Political corruption is a multidimensional phenomenon, concerning political authorities at all possible levels. It is defined as the abuse of power by political entities in order to obtain personal benefits in the form of greater power or wealth. It shows that the subject of political corruption is not only material benefits but also the mechanisms of increasing the influence or special treatment. The character of political corruption results in the public interest in it, enhanced by the public character of the individuals it refers to. It is also influenced by the processual character of the phenomenon itself, but first of all by the specific attractive nature of corruption in social awareness. The article presents the findings of research concerning opinions on political corruption. Its goal is to study the relationships between the respondents' opinions on political authorities' honesty and the determinants of corrupt phenomena. The main research question is: Is there any relationship between the person's opinion on political authorities' honesty and the person's perception of political corruption? The hypothesis related to the question assumes there is a connection between the perception of political authorities' honesty and the evaluation of components of political corruption. The research is part of a research project carried out by the IPSO ORDO Academic Foundation on the perception of the corruption phenomenon in the public domain.
The paper is an attempt to outline a coherent methodological framework fostering a more sociologically informed perspective on the problem of corruption risk as it is typical of the functioning of state institutions in Poland. The approach is based upon the concept of a 'corruption event' which combines agential dispositions to take part in corrupt exchanges as well as their structural and systemic determinants. In this way, assuming the theory of social becoming as a starting point, the postulated methodology investigates the problem of corruption from the theoretical perspective of sociologies aiming to provide a holistic and synthetic ontology whose objective is to overcome the dichotomy between agency and structure.
Socio-economic transformation as a profound and thorough reform of the system and institutions promotes corruption practices and can be the means to fight one, too. Two kinds of understanding of corruption may be indicated: narrow (pathological and functional interpretation) and wider emphasising the neo-institutional argumentation, pointing out to systemic and structural causes of corruption. A theoretical and practical problem remains, whether corruption is of systemic nature (fundamental institution), or is secondary (consequence institution).The analysis of corruption may be done by means of the new institutionalism and consequence theories: transaction costs, theory of property rights, theory of clubs, principal-agent theory, theory of asymmetry information, capture theories, rent seeking theory, theory of games and theory of public choice.The dynamics of the Polish economy and wide researches in corruption (the differences between perceiving and experiencing) indicates that the corruption factors which paralyse the economic development have not dominated the economic system in Poland as yet, and that the system maintains its autonomy. Still, typical corruption- clientelistic societies are not common today, also in Poland. The above problems do not change the fact that corruption is a major problem and in the long run would cause a loss of competitiveness of Polish economy on the global market.
This paper deals with the reality of political finance in Japan. In the text I describe how the election system influenced the process of creation of party system, especially segmentation of the Liberal-Democratic Party into factions. Consequences of this system include expensive election campaigns which in turn lead to close relationships between political parties and individual politicians and large, particularly corporate, donors. In effect the costs of election campaigns continue to increase and political parties, perpetually in need of money, constantly search for new donors. In this context it is not surprising that in Japan corruption is important problem. What is also important, however, is the fact that dysfunctional relationships between large, corporate donors and political parties were and are fundamental factors influencing economic policies of successive governments.
The author of the article deals with the issue of corruption in the Republic of Poland between the 17th and 18th centuries. He starts with a definition of the notion of corruption and the spheres of life it covered. Subsequently, he makes an attempt to counteract corruption aiming at eliminating it from a social and political life. Despite all these attempts, it turned out to be impossible to eliminate corruption so tightly connected especially with a political life of the Polish-Lithuanian country. The issues of committed abuses during the parliamentary session and actions taken by the city, the representatives of which used corruption to realize their postulates in the Parliament are described. It also presents the examples of corrupting the rulers of the Republic of Poland, as well as its closest co-workers. One should notice that both the kings and the court used the same methods in their realization of political conceptions. Corruption actions taken by the foreign governments aiming at paralysing the Polish-Lithuanian politics and weakening the position of the country were regarded as especially dangerous for the Republic of Poland. The actions of corrupting the clerks making the foreign diplomats know many secrets of the Republic of Poland were alarming. The dissolution of the Parliament, paid by the foreign governments aiming at a political and military weakening of the Republic of Poland, and, thus, making it impossible to conduct the reform of the country had a tragic influence on the political history. Finally, the article also presents the issue of a political corruption functioning in during the interregnum when the associates in the battle for the Polish crown were being recruited by means of money.
