Suchergebnisse

There is new international attention being given to the old problem of corruption. It has been taken up by international organisations, and driven by economic analysis. It is impatient of cultural justifications, and suspicious of state action. It is concerned with corruption prevention as much as detection, investigation and prosecution. Corruption and Anti-Corruption deals with the international dimensions of corruption, including campaigns to recover the assets of former dictators, and the links between corruption, transnational and economic crime. It deals with corruption as an issue in political theory, and shows how it can be addressed in campaigns for human rights. It also presents case studies of reform efforts in Philippines, India and Thailand. The book explains the doctrines of a well-established domestic anticorruption agency. It is based on research to develop a curriculum for a unique international training course on 'Corruption and Anti-Corruption', designed and taught by academics at The Australian National University, the Australian Institute of Criminology and public servants in the New South Wales Independent Commission Against Corruption. Versions have been taught in Canberra, and several countries in South East Asia.

A common finding of recent theoretical and empirical literature is that corruption has a negative effect on economic growth. In the paper, through growth regression analysis, we estimate the direct and indirect effects of corruption on economic growth. The indirect transmission channels, specifically investments, trade policy, schooling, and political stability, analysed in our study prove to be significant in explaining the deleterious effect of corruption on growth rates. We find that one standard deviation increase in the corruption index is associated with a decrease in investments of 2.46 per centage points, which in turn decreases economic growth by 0.34 per cent per year. The second, by importance, transmission channel is openness: a standard deviation increase in the corruption index is associated with a decrease of the openness index by 0.19, resulting in a decrease in economic growth by 0.30 percent per year. Jointly, the transmission channels explain 81 per cent of the effect of corruption on growth. While combating corruption is a long-term task, an understanding of the transmission channels, through which corruption affects the economy, may suggest ways to limit corruption's negative, but indirect, effects on growth.

Corruption has been part of social interaction since the beginning of humanity. People have always wheeled and dealed, given and taken, sought position, benefits, and privileges. In modern societies there are laws that prohibit public officials from receiving benefits other than salary, and an expectation that in the private sector business undertakings will be conducted with integrity. This does not always occur, and there is considerable analysis of the causes and experiences of corrupt behavior as well as of the mechanisms that could be used to prevent it. Rather than define corruption, one might try to understand the suite of behaviors that are deemed corrupt, and these will vary from society to society, and will be treated differently in different types of societies. In essence, corruption involves the abuse of public position or entrusted office in return for private gain. It involves the unauthorized trading of entrusted authority. It may manifest itself in different ways, in bribery, extortion, conflict of interest, a public official hiring one's own company for government contracts, hiring unqualified friends or family members for government jobs, and so on. Sometimes there is a corrupt person in an organization, sometimes the whole organization is corrupt, or sometimes the society tolerates corruption on a grand scale. These variations lead to different interpretations and analyses of the concept. When a public official does wrong things, or fails to do what he or she should do, or does something permissible, but purposely does it in an improper manner, then there is a strong suspicion of corrupt behavior. The World Economic Forum estimates that corruption costs about 5 percent of global GDP (about $2.6 trillion), while the World Bank estimates that about $1 trillion per year is paid in bribes and about $40 billion per year is skimmed or looted by political leaders. On an everyday basis corruption hurts the public and undermines government. The impacts of corruption severely and disproportionally affect the poorest and most vulnerable in any society, and when it is widespread, corruption deters investment, weakens economic growth and undermines the basis for law and order. In wealthier countries corruption pushes taxes to higher levels than they need be, and reduces services to lesser quality than they might be.

The reproduction or representation of this article, in particular by photocopying, is authorised only within the limits of the general conditions of use of the site or, where applicable, the general terms and conditions of the licence signed by your institution. Any other reproduction or representation, in whole or in part, in any form and manner, shall be prohibited unless the publisher has given its prior written consent, except in the cases provided for by the legislation in force in France. It is specified that storage in a database is also prohibited. ; International audience ; The reproduction or representation of this article, in particular by photocopying, is authorised only within the limits of the general conditions of use of the site or, where applicable, the general terms and conditions of the licence signed by your institution. Any other reproduction or representation, in whole or in part, in any form and manner, shall be prohibited unless the publisher has given its prior written consent, except in the cases provided for by the legislation in force in France. It is specified that storage in a database is also prohibited. ; La reproduction ou représentation de cet article, notamment par photocopie, n'est autorisée que dans les limites des conditions générales d'utilisation du site ou, le cas échéant, des conditions générales de la licence souscrite par votre établissement. Toute autre reproduction ou représentation, en tout ou partie, sous quelque forme et de quelque manière que ce soit, est interdite sauf accord préalable et écrit de l'éditeur, en dehors des cas prévus par la législation en vigueur en France. Il est précisé que son stockage dans une base de données est également interdit.

In the context of global capitalism the so-called developing countries are considered 'commodities' in offer in the global economy as emerging markets or for foreign investment. Countries need to show they are potentially highly competitive with low risk. The value of country characteristics is set by globalised managerial discourses, based on postcolonial ideologies that rate cultures and societies in terms of linear notions of progress and civilisation. Cultures and behaviours are judged positively or negatively according to the position countries supposedly have in the evolution of world society. In this framework one element that countries need to eradicate or reduce in order to be seen as 'attractive' is corruption. Towards this aim international and national government and non-government organisations have put in place anti-corruption campaigns. In communications with the general public, these schemes represent actors and acts of corruption through discursive strategies that characterize world cultures and their links with corruption in terms of postcolonial ideologies. In this paper I focus on the implications of the metaphor 'culture of corruption' for rating countries, questioning its effectiveness in anti-corruption campaigns. I argue that anti-corruption instruments based on postcolonial ideologies corrupt representations of national cultures and peoples behaviours, instead of targeting local and global sectors that gain from institutionalised corruption. Through the analysis of anti-corruption cultural texts publicly available in Mexico I illustrate how the ideological misrepresentation of corruption fails its stated aim, to transform a 'culture of corruption' into a 'culture of legality'.

The concept of "institutional corruption" as developed by Professor Dennis Thompson is a critically important way to understand the failings of a modern democratic state. In this paper, Professor Lessig advances one way to simplify the analysis of "institutional corruption," through the introduction of the idea of improper institutional dependence. That conception of institutional corruption explains the corruption of the United States Congress.

Post-Soeharto Indonesia, known as the era of reform and democracy, has not been able to inhibit corrupt behaviour by state officials at the central and local government levels, in legislative and executive institutions, or in the judiciary as a judicial institution. This article discusses and analyses the corruption process carried out by state officials, especially those occupying legislative, executive, and special judicial institutions at the central government level in interacting with each other and with outside institutions. The public's hope that ongoing democracy will be able to limit political corruption in Indonesia is only an illusion, considering the democracy model that developed in Indonesia post-Soeharto led to a patronage democracy, namely the interaction of power between state institutions which is based on mutually beneficial considerations. Another consideration is that the institution that administers justice which serves as law enforcement agency is involved in corrupt practices.

This essay investigates the relationship between corruption and development. By a study of the determinants of the phenomenon as well as its implications on growth, this paper address the corruption challenge faced by governments and policymakers. Based on the theoretical framework of the political economy of development, I argue that even though the causality is not entirely clear, it is however without debate to say that development is necessarily linked with anti-corruption initiatives. If some counterexamples still exist, it is remarkable to see that the vast majority of developed countries did fight corruption at some point. Still, the path to fight corruption is blurry. It is unlikely for a developing country to get rid of the phenomenon on its own, without external help. Finally, according to the classical studies on the quality of institutions, this paper concludes that a strong rule of law and government effectiveness are among the key factors able to fight a corrupt system.

This essay investigates the relationship between corruption and development. By a study of the determinants of the phenomenon as well as its implications on growth, this paper address the corruption challenge faced by governments and policymakers. Based on the theoretical framework of the political economy of development, I argue that even though the causality is not entirely clear, it is however without debate to say that development is necessarily linked with anti-corruption initiatives. If some counterexamples still exist, it is remarkable to see that the vast majority of developed countries did fight corruption at some point. Still, the path to fight corruption is blurry. It is unlikely for a developing country to get rid of the phenomenon on its own, without external help. Finally, according to the classical studies on the quality of institutions, this paper concludes that a strong rule of law and government effectiveness are among the key factors able to fight a corrupt system.

This study aimed to provide basic information on overview of corruption and anti‐corruption legislation in Bangladesh. It indicates the impact of corruption on the economy, sector-wise corruption and how poor enforcement of existing laws has led to corruption. The proposed study analysis of the theoretical and conceptual interpretations of "corruption" and "corruption interaction", discussion of the reasons and conditions for the development of bribery interaction in these countries, as well as consideration of the official assessments of anti-corruption activity and the main directions of prevention and combating corruption from society. Within the structure of this article, we analyze mostly current official positions, investigative materials, hypothetical and theoretic forms and research perspectives, in which current structures and practices of bribery interaction in these countries are being problematized. This study also looks into the implementation of various reform initiatives including development of an impartial and fair system, establishment of code of ethics, reform in political parties, election process, legislations and government policies are crucial with anti-corruption measurements.

Analyzing law enforcement data on corruption incidents for a panel of 79 Russian regions for the period 2004-2007, we find that the relative salaries of bureaucrats determine corruption levels: Corruption declines as relative salaries rise up to a turning point, beyond which corruption rises again. Other important determinants are the strength of law enforcement, available rents through government budgets and natural resources, education levels, unemployment rates, and income inequality.

In the last decades, a growing awareness has emerged in progressive social movements about the relevance of corruption as a hidden factor that negatively influences political and economic decision-making processes in both liberal-democratic and authoritarian regimes. Rampant corruption has been denounced by social movements, which have developed specific diagnostic and prognostic frames as well as knowledge and practices for the social accountability of political and economic powers. This contribution maps some of the characteristics of civil society as anti-corruption actors, reflecting on the theoretical challenges they present for social movement theory and for research on corruption and anti-corruption. In order to understand the emergence and outcomes of these mobilizations against corruption, it bridges two bodies of literature which have only very rarely crossed paths: corruption studies and social movement studies. Departing from the traditional visions of anti-corruption from below within corruption studies, the article brings upon social movement studies in order to synthetize some of the main context, organizational forms and framing of (anti-)corruption in today's contentious politics.

Corruption is a threat to the basic rights and freedoms of citizens guaranteed by the Constitution and international documents, but above all by the Universal Declaration of Rights and Freedoms of Citizens. Corruption occurs in a sophisticated way that leads to difficult detection. Corruption is therefore a very complicated problem that requires countries to build better and more efficient instruments to prevent it. The main purpose of the paper is to detect the corruption phenomenon in the Macedonian public administration. At the same time, this research was conducted in order to obtain data about the level of information of citizens, officials and lawyers about corruption in the administration. It should be noted that this paper also conducted its own research on the citizens' perception of corruption in the Republic of Macedonia. The main methods which will be used in this research are induction and deduction method, descriptive method, comparative method and content analysis method. The conclusions which will be drawn from the research analysis will be pointed not only to the detection of the perception and attitudes towards corruption in Macedonian public administration, but also to giving some opinions and suggestions for improvement. Keywords: corruption, administration, citizens, criminal, law, offenses, code

Political corruption represents a specific type of public-to-public corruption which implies that one participant of corrupt transaction belongs on the State and the other to the private sector: in fact, public corruption is a particular (and, illegal) State-society relationship. Political corruption occurs when politicians, who are delegated to make laws and enforce them by the citizens, act themselves in a corrupt way. More precisely, it appears when policymakers exploit their political strength to pursue their own economic benefits and/or maintain their powerful position.

Corruption remains a persistent problem in both developed and developing countries. Statistics provide evidence that Pakistan faces the menace of corruption. The recently released Corruption Perception Index (CPI) for 2019 by Transparency International (TI) ranks Pakistan as the 120th country out of a total of 180. In 1995 Pakistan used to be the second most corrupt country in the world. Moreover, TI's Global Corruption Barometer for 2017 shows that 40–50 per cent of the respondents have given a bribe to get a public service in Pakistan. The Global Competitiveness Reports (2016, 2017, and 2018) released by the World Economic Forum in Switzerland have declared corruption to be the topmost problematic factor when doing business in Pakistan. Corruption is a public problem and relevant academic literature holds the dominant view that it obstructs economic development. It increases the direct costs of firms through bribery. It encourages bureaucratic red tape and corrupts the institutions of contract enforcement and property rights protection. Although corruption and anti-corruption have long been research topics in the social sciences, little has been done about the evaluation of anti-corruption strategies. Anti-corruption efforts are required where corruption prevails. With this in view, the study aims to ascertain the opinion of policy professionals regarding different anti-corruption strategies. Data on 26 anti-corruption strategies were collected through a self-administered questionnaire from 100 policy professionals working in 12 different policy institutes. The results have found slight differences between the mean scores for anti-corruption strategies, depicting a certain level of effectiveness for each strategy. Harsher punishments for corrupt persons and legal protection for whistleblowers informing about persons involved in corruption are the strategies that had the highest mean scores of 4.07 and 4.04 respectively. Policy professionals rated the category of "Political, legal and judicial strategies" with the highest mean value of 3.90 as the most effective anti-corruption typology. A holistic approach is required in Pakistan to eradicate corruption from governmental offices.