Suchergebnisse

Presents & reviews complexities concerning the definition & role of Sami political representation in the Swedish government. The organ for representation of the indigenous Sami people, Sametinget, now 10 years old, can be still considered in many ways as a political experiment in which an attempt is made to give the interests of the Sami people greater visibility & mobility in the Swedish government & increase Sami autonomy without simultaneously weakening the power of other elected Swedish organs. Much of the difficulty that arises in determining the proper & most effective direction of Sametinget is that in its definition of purpose the organ can be seen in many ways as being a type of hybrid between a popularly elected parliament & a central government administration. In this respect the Sametinget operates on inherently contradictory grounds. As these contradictions are explored in some depth it is suggested that in order for the organ to move ahead into a productive future, a clarification of its authority must be made. Otherwise both Sami support for -- & general Swedish recognition of -- Sametinget might be eroded. 24 References. C. Brunski

This thesis deals with the question of how Swedish society responds when juveniles commit crimes. The focus is social work co-operating with the legal system and the interaction between these two. The aim of this study is to make visible/analyse factors that affect the choice between treatment and correction of juveniles in an emergency situation, when there is a necessity to choose between immediate preventative custody on the one hand, and detention on the other. This study analyses the selection through outcome patterns. Theoretically the base is six concepts; system/practice, and treatment/correction. Together they form a model where the actors (the social services/the police/the attorney/county administrative courts/district courts) on this juvenile field can be situated. The strategies of the actors' decision-making are implied by either norm-rational decision-making or goal-rational decision-making. Empirical data is studied through records of immediate custody and detention of juveniles aged 15-18 years old. The immediate denial of freedom represents, in the Swedish legislation, a process whereby social services and law enforcers meet and decide whether to treat or correct the juvenile. This selection is the focus of the empirical study of this thesis. In 1992, 1998 and 2003 a national overall survey was made of all juveniles aged 15-18 years that have been either in immediate custody or in detention or both. Documentation was obtained from the courts. The results show that the general denial of freedom of juveniles have increased greatly during the years 1992, 1998 and 2003, and especially from 1998 to 2003. Almost all of the acts concern boys, even though girls are making at break-through in 2003. There are differences between the groups that either have been in detention or in immediate custody in ways of "survey-year", "ethnic background", "age" and "categorising of crime". This study shows a large discrepancy between legislation and the legal practice.

A special regulatory regime applies to products of recombinant nucleic acid modifications. A ruling from the European Court of Justice has interpreted this regulatory regime in a way that it also applies to emerging mutagenesis techniques. Elsewhere regulatory progress is also ongoing. In 2015, Argentina launched a regulatory framework, followed by Chile in 2017 and recently Brazil and Colombia. In March 2018, the USDA announced that it will not regulate genome-edited plants differently if they could have also been developed through traditional breeding. Canada has an altogether different approach with their Plants with Novel Traits regulations. Australia is currently reviewing its Gene Technology Act. This article illustrates the deviation of the European Union's (EU's) approach from the one of most of the other countries studied here. Whereas the EU does not implement a case-by-case approach, this approach is taken by several other jurisdictions. Also, the EU court ruling adheres to a process-based approach while most other countries have a stronger emphasis on the regulation of the resulting product. It is concluded that, unless a functioning identity preservation system for products of directed mutagenesis can be established, the deviation results in a risk of asynchronous approvals and disruptions in international trade.

Preliminary Material -- Translating The Prince by Many Hands /Jacob Soll -- Translation and Circulation: Introduction to a research project /Roberto De Pol -- La première traduction française /Nella Bianchi Bensimon -- The first Latin translation /Caterina Mordeglia -- A Florentine Prince in Queen Elizabeth's court /Alessandra Petrina -- La primera traducción española /María Begoña Arbulu Barturen -- The first Dutch translation /Francesca Terrenato -- The first German translation /Serena Spazzarini -- The first translation in Scandinavia /Paolo Marelli -- The first Arabic translation /Arap El Ma'ani -- Chronological Summary -- Distribution of Manuscripts and Printings -- Comparison of Selected Passages -- The Introduction to the first Arabic translation -- Index.

Research on Europeanization clearly shows that membership in the European Union over time affects the national political systems of member states. Given Norway's extensive integration within the EU, it is relevant and important to assess whether and, if so, how the Norwegian political system, too, has changed as a result, and how these effects compare with the general patterns among EU member states. Exploring the Europeanization of Norway in a comparative perspective, the article maps the effects of European integration for four central power relationships in the Norwegian political system: national-supranational authority, executive-legislative-judicial authority, political-administrative authority and national-regional authority. It is demonstrated that integration within the EU to a large extent has had the same effects in Norway as in the member states of the EU, despite Norway's alternative form of affiliation: extensive delegation of power to the supranational level, strengthening of the government in relation to the parliament, an increasingly important role for national courts, expanded power and autonomy of the executive administration in relation to the political leadership, and some strengthening of the regions vis-a-vis the central government. Adapted from the source document.

Servants were for a long time the dominant form of labour in Sweden. To serve, at a farm or at a manor, was ever since the thirteenth century the most common way to make a living, since poor people could by law be forced to accept work for a master. Service hence replaced thraldom in Sweden.
In From slaves to servants, historian Martin Andersson explains how the regulations of the servants' lives were gradually sharpened. Labourers had to become servants under the threats of punishment and forced conscription into the army. Wages were legally reduced, while other forms of making a living were blocked. The master's right to use physical violence was increased, while the servant's duty to obey was expanded.
By the end of the sixteenth century, most farmhands and maids worked at manors or for the richest of the peasantry. They had consequently minimal chances of themselves becoming masters. Through studies of a rich material of regional law codes, court records, fine registers, royal letters and manuals for manor owners, the historian paints a rich picture of the daily lives of servants – a life formed by legal uncertainty, coercion, and poverty.