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The COVID‐19 crisis is a stark reminder that modern society is vulnerable to a special species of trouble: the creeping crisis. The creeping crisis poses a deep challenge to both academics and practitioners. In the crisis literature, it remains ill‐defined and understudied. It is even harder to manage. As a threat, it carries a potential for societal disruption—but that potential is not fully understood. An accumulation of these creeping crises can erode public trust in institutions. This paper proposes a definition of a creeping crisis, formulates research questions, and identifies the most relevant theoretical approaches. It provides the building blocks for the systematic study of creeping crises.

"Antimicrobial Resistance as a Global Health Crisis" published on by Oxford University Press.

1. The early evolution of the special economic zone in the Kaliningrad Oblast / Timur Gareev -- 2. The Cepruss pulp and paper mill : complex crisis management / Eugene Krasnov -- 3. Child welfare in the Kaliningrad region : production of a creeping crisis / Anna Karpenko -- 4. Building a mosque in Kaliningrad / Anna Karpenko -- 5. The Curonian spit : systemic crisis of a national park / Elena Novova and Artem Shibin.

Cover -- Contents -- List of Figures and Tables -- List of Contributors -- Acknowledgements -- List of Abbreviations and Translations -- Maps of the Baltic Sea Region and Kaliningrad Oblast -- Introduction: Kaliningrad: Managing Evolving Crisis Challenges -- 1 The Early Evolution of the Special Economic Zone in Kaliningrad Oblast -- 2 The Cepruss Pulp and Paper Mill: Complex Crisis Management -- 3 Child Welfare in the Kaliningrad Region: Production of a Creeping Crisis -- 4 Building a Mosque in Kaliningrad -- 5 The Curonian Spit: Systemic Crisis of a National Park -- Conclusion -- Annex -- Index.

Marine plastic litter and microplastics pollution is a global governance problem with unknown and potentially dire consequences. Efforts to promote individual‐centered solutions to the problem are increasingly necessary but are insufficient to tackle the root causes of the problem. Therefore, a concerted policy response at the global level is imperative. The success of such efforts necessarily depends on the way in which the problem is framed and understood, including its degree of urgency. This paper engages with this problem by considering the nature of the issue in light of the crisis term and argues that the global problem of marine litter may be more productively considered a "creeping crisis" given the complexity, scope, and spatio‐temporally fragmented nature of the problem.

The G20 summit in London offers an opportunity for world leaders to prevent a continued slide towards protectionism. Yet the summit is already at risk of ending in failure as expectations run too high. The agenda is already far too wide and cover areas characterized by sharp differences of opinion rather than an emerging consensus. Individual members have also thrown in additional wishes for what the summit should achieve. Furthermore, G20 rhetoric is ingrained in global governance romanticism, but the naive hopes of building a new Bretton Woods system will meet the hard realities of global economic co-operation. This Policy Brief is concerned with what should be the relevant trade agenda for the G20. At the summit in Washington, D.C. last autumn, the G20 agreed that no country should impose new barriers to trade. G20 leaders also instructed their trade ministers to agree on a headline deal for Doha Round before the end of 2008. However, nothing has happened in the Doha Round since the last G20 summit, and it took only a few days until a G20 country had imposed new trade barriers. Since November last year, 17 of the G20 members have imposed protectionist measures. Governments have not responded to the economic crisis with massive protectionist measures. It is rather creeping protectionism that has characterized recent trade policies. However, as the crisis deepens countries are likely to increase protectionism. The chief task now is to prevent such a development, in particular the risk of escalating tit-for-tat protectionism. This Policy Brief sets out a six-point agenda to contain protectionist threats.

The COVID-19 pandemic has demonstrated that a new and unforeseen threat easily outmatched political-administrative systems currently in place. Our commentary on the Italian case contributes to the call for public administration scholars to incorporate crisis management into the main research agendas of the field. We focus on regulatory capacity that is needed to tackle the effects of COVID-19. Under crisis conditions of radical urgency and uncertainty, the Italian regulatory policy has been based on temporary, fast-track procedures. The latter have been regularly applied when Italian governments confront with natural disasters and prompt action is ensured by a repertoire of extraordinary measures running in parallel to burdensome ordinary procedures. We discuss the implications of this "two-track" approach for governance capacity and legitimacy. We also extrapolate existing trends and engage with projection of future developments.

The BRIICS - Brazil, Russia, India, Indonesia, China and South Africa - are the largest developing countries in their respective regions. A snapshot of their trade policies shows they have already liberalised trade and foreign direct investment extensively, and thereby plugged themselves into globalisation. This has helped to deliver higher growth, poverty reduction and improvements in human welfare. But external liberalisation has stalled. Creeping protectionism has set in. It has accelerated in the wake of the global economic crisis, generally translating into behind-the-border regulatory barriers emerging from domestic "crisis interventions". The BRIICS should have the following trade-policy priorities. First, in the short-term, they should counter creeping, crisis-related protectionism by containing the expansion of government at home. Second, looking beyond the immediate crisis, they should couple further trade and FDI liberalisation with behind-the-border regulatory reforms to improve the domestic business climate. Third, second-generation reforms are overwhelmingly domestic in nature. They should be done unilaterally, with less reliance on trade negotiations through the WTO and FTAs - not to mention the G20 and other "global-governance" paraphernalia. Fourth, unilateral reforms should be locked in through stronger WTO commitments, which should emerge from a post-Doha rule-improving agenda. Fifth, the BRIICS should exercise caution with "trade-light" FTAs. And sixth, all BRIICS need more trade-policy transparency. "Transparency boards", inside and outside government, should conduct and disseminate detailed analysis of the costs and benefits of trade policies in order to facilitate better deliberation of policy choices.

Cover -- Title -- Copyright -- Contents -- List of Tables and Figures -- Preface -- Introduction -- Part 1 Global and Regional Issues -- 1 External Debt of Developing Countries in Late 1983 -- 2 The World Crisis and the Outlook for Latin America -- 3 The International Scene and the Latin American External Debt -- 4 External Debt Problems of Latin America -- 5 Coping with the Creeping Crisis of Debt -- 6 Latin American Debt: Act Two -- 7 Capital Market Financing to Developing Countries -- 8 The World Monetary System, the International Business Cycle, and the External Debt Crisis -- Part 2 Case Studies -- 9 Argentina's Foreign Debt: Its Origin and Consequences -- 10 Rescheduling Brazil's Foreign Debt: Recent Developments and Prospects -- 11 The Mexican External Debt: The Last Decade -- 12 The Renegotiation of Venezuela's Foreign Debt During 1982 and 1983 -- 13 The External Debt, Financial Liberalization, and Crisis in Chile -- 14 Peru and Its Private Bankers: Scenes from an Unhappy Marriage -- 15 The Role of External Debt Problems in Central America -- 16 Where Do We Go from Here? -- List of Acronyms -- About the Contributors -- Index -- About the Book and Editor.

This paper examines possible changes that the society expects in the near future. The changes are mainly in the economic and social spheres of our society. The article in its introductory passages and chapters outlines possible causes of society-wide transformation that it sees largely in the unrestricted application of neoliberal approaches intensified in the last 20-25 years in Europe, which undoubtedly leads to reducing the role of the strong state and a considerable asymmetry of the public and the private sectors, which certainly carries some potential risks. The article, however, attempts to present other ambitions as well - in the context of not only social, but also philosophical and ethical, point out deeper causes of the current much discussed and intractable imbalance. ; Nadějí do budoucnosti se zdá být sociálně šetrný stát rozvíjející se v mírové době vícepolárního světa a to vše při udržení ekologické stability krajiny a přírody. Žijeme ovšem v době, kdy řada expertů poukazuje právě na křehkost rovnováhy na všech úrovních i všech dimenzích. Z hlediska ekonomického se hovoří např. o výrazné asymetrii mezi politikou a ekonomikou, finanční a reálnou ekonomikou, kapitálem a prací, soukromým a veřejným sektorem; z hlediska sociálního jde o sociální disharmonii, rozevírání nůžek, ohrožení střední třídy; řada přírodovědců zase varuje před udržitelností přírodních ekosystémů, změnách globálního klimatu a i člověk jako jednotlivec často nevykazuje známky rovnováhy natož vývoje… Zdá se, že budoucí vývoj společnosti nebude tedy jen otázkou udržitelnosti, ale pravděpodobně zápasem i mezi sociálním a kulturním rozvojem či regresem – cestou dopředu anebo cestou zpět a to zřejmě jak ve světovém kontextu tak i naší společnosti.

The growing wealth gap has eroded support for liberal democracy by exposing its unfulfilled egalitarian promises. A renewal of civic obligations could be the best defense against creeping plutocracy.

Protectionism has returned, reversing an almost three-decade trend of trade liberalisation. 2009 was a crisis year for international trade, which suffered its steepest decline since the 1930s. Protectionism returned, reversing an almost three-decade trend of trade liberalisation. But, contrary to expectations, it has not returned with a vengeance, rather creeping to the surface in subtle ways. Time, therefore, to take stock of trade policy after the crisis, and consider its outlook at the beginning of this century's second decade.

Intro -- Preface -- Acknowledgements -- Contents -- List of Figures -- List of Tables -- 1 The Housing Crisis -- Homeownership -- 'Rabbit Hutches' -- Homelessness -- Economic Determinism -- But Is There a Housing Crisis? -- House Prices and Consumer Spending -- The Politics of Housing Wealth -- Renting: Not Such a Bad Thing? -- A Supply Dearth? -- Whose Crisis? -- Privatisation and Commodification -- Social Justice -- John Rawls -- Justice as Historical -- Marxist Theory -- Housing Crises -- Age -- Class -- Gender -- Ethnicity -- Location -- Scotland, Wales and Northern Ireland -- Tenure -- Conclusion -- References -- 2 The Slow-Burning Fuses -- Building Industry Capacity -- Private Landlordism -- Private Landlords and Slums -- 'Creeping' Decontrol -- Housing Financialisation -- Competition -- The Demise of Council Housing -- Rise -- Fall -- Housing Associations -- 'Entrepreneurial' Housing Associations -- The Decline in Social Housing Supply -- Stigmatising 'Social' Housing -- Investment in the Existing Housing Stock -- Demographic Change -- Planning -- Sharp, Middle-Class Elbows -- 'Middle England' -- Conclusion -- References -- 3 Housing Crises -- Owner-Occupation: Acquiring -- Managing -- Using and Transferring -- Acquiring -- Managing: Staying on and Climbing the Ladder -- Using and Transferring -- Variations in Old Age -- Class -- Homeownership and Class -- Private Renting -- Social Renters -- Housing and Inequality -- Housing Wealth and Class -- Land -- Land Ownership -- Gender -- Younger Single Women (Without Children) -- Single Parents -- Older Women -- Ethnic Minorities -- Conclusion -- References -- 4 Location, Location, Location -- Globalisation -- Securitisation -- Real Estate Speculation and the Super Rich -- United Kingdom Devolution -- Scotland -- The Scottish National Party (SNP) -- Scotland's 'Housing Crisis'? -- Wales.

1. Regulatory reasons for the crisis 2. Refinancing credit and Target balances 2.1 Target balances 2.2 Target balances and fiscal rescue credit 2.3 The lowering of collateral standards for refinancing credit 2.4 Indirect state financing via refinancing credit to commercial banks 3. ECB government bond purchases and official bail-out programmes 3.1 From indirect to direct state financing: the SMP 3.2 The intergovernmental rescue funds: EFSF, ESM & Co. 3.3 Monetary policy or fiscal policy: ESM, SMP and OMT 4. The risks and costs of the ECB policy 4.1 Potential exposure via the OMT programme 4.2 Risks related to refinancing credits 4.3 Target losses in the case of exit and bankruptcy, should the euro continue to exist 4.4 Target losses in the case of a euro break-up or a German exit 4.5 Shift in growth forces due to free insurance coverage 4.6 The path dependency of policy 4.7 The creeping confiscation of savings 5. Economic assessment of ECB policy 6. Policy measures against interest rate spreads: the ECB's justification 6.1 The economic importance of interest rate spreads 6.2 Discussion of the ECB's arguments 7. Summary of key points