Suchergebnisse

Compared are police, newspaper, TV, & public images of crime trends for the 7 US Federal Bureau of Investigation index crimes (homicide, rape, robbery, aggravated assault, burglary, larceny-theft, & motor vehicle theft) during a 3-month period in 1978, the relative occurrence f of these offenses, & characteristics of persons committing them. Media presentations of crime trends are found generally unrelated to trends in police statistics. Newspaper presentation of the relative distribution of crimes approximates police figures more closely than does TV presentation. Public views of the relative distribution of crimes but not of crime trends more closely approximate media presentations than police presentations. Possible reasons for these findings & their implications for crime news reporting are discussed. 3 Tables. Modified HA.

Explores the legal gravity of hate, critiquing the argument for hate crime laws. The Matthew Shepard & James Byrd prosecutions are discussed before providing a brief historical overview of hate crime laws in the US. Legal responses to hate violence that do not look to regulate opinion are next looked at. It is argued that supporters of hate crime laws tend to expand the concept of conspiracy in a dangerous manner. Other problems related to intent, state of mind, & belief are touched on. The prospect that hate crime laws might lead to hate speech laws is addressed, & it is concluded that actual crimes should be punished rather than the motivating beliefs of offenders. Adapted from the source document.

I propose a dual conceptualization of violent crime. Since violent crime is both violence and crime, theories of aggression and deviance are required to understand it. I argue that both harm-doing and rule breaking are instrumental behaviors and that a bounded rational choice approach can account for both behaviors. However, while some of the causes of harm-doing and deviance (and violent and nonviolent crime) are the same, some are different. Theories of crime and deviance cannot explain why one only observes individual and group differences in violent crime and theories of aggression and violence cannot explain why one observes differences in all types of crimes. Such theories are "barking up the wrong tree.". Adapted from the source document.

Examines difficulties in trying war criminals in the former Yugoslavia, Cambodia, and Iraq, and possibility of the creation of a permanent war crimes tribunal; 6 articles and an interview. With reference to the Nuremberg Trials.

Let's not make this easy. Early in the morning of March 3, 1992, after a long discussion of their racial resentments, John Ayers and Sean Riley set out from their suburban neighborhood of Silver Spring, Maryland, looking for black people to attack. They came upon two black women walking along Georgia Avenue; realizing they were being followed, the women began to run, and split up. Riley chased Myrtle Guillory, and Ayers chased Johnnie Mae McCrae. Guillory testified at trial that Riley yelled repeatedly, "I'm going to kill you, you black bitch." Guillory escaped when she ran to the home of a friend, who protected her. McCrae found no refuge. Ayers dragged her to a nearby woods, where he savagely beat her and told her that he was going to kill her.

"The author proposes a dual conceptualization of violent crime. Since violent crime is both violence and crime, theories of aggression and deviance are required to understand it. He argues that both harm-doing and rule breaking are instrumental behaviors and that a bounded rational choice approach can account for both behaviors. However, while some of the causes of harm-doing and deviance (and violent and nonviolent crime) are the same, some are different. Theories of crime and deviance cannot explain why one only observes individual and group differences in violent crime and theories of aggression and violence cannot explain why one observes differences in all types of crimes. Such theories are 'barking up the wrong tree'." (author's abstract)

Esse artigo objetiva identificar, a partir das vozes e visões daqueles que a protagonizam - homens e mulheres privados de liberdade no Centro de Remanejamento do Sistema Prisional (Ceresp) de Ipatinga (MG) -, os fatores sociais, políticos, econômicos, históricos e culturais que os impelem a reproduzir o percurso crime-prisão-liberdade-crime, num círculo vicioso sem fim. O que importa é realizar tal análise sem, contudo, se eximir de responsabilidade analítica, teórica e política.