The issue of mass migration to the European Union, although it has been present in the public space for several years, is still topical. Following the population movements in Europe and the massive influx of migrants from the Middle East to the borders of the European Union, the accumulation of which occurred in 2015, a number of phenomena related to the so-called migration crisis have been subject to research analysis. The aim of the considerations undertaken in this case study is to present the way in which Poland's position towards the EU's proposals for solving the migration crisis has evolved. A content analysis of the literature on the subject and the legal acts provided an answer to the question of how Poland's attitude changed after the 2015 parliamentary elections. And what factors underpinned the change of approach regarding the reception of refugees. This study uses mainly theoretical research methods such as analysis, which includes content analysis of the literature and available documents, and statistical studies on the research phenomenon. The analysis of the problem leads to the reflection that the proposal for a solution to the EU migration crisis has divided both the European Community and many other countries. In the face of a crisis, solidarity with the community and responsibility for the security of citizens were at stake. In 2015, this issue aroused a lot of emotion during the ongoing political campaign in Poland and was part of the electoral game. The victorious party and the new government have unequivocally rejected the idea of relocation, confirming that security is their overriding priority.
Kryzysy energetyczne, a w szczególności kryzysy gazowe spowodowane konfliktem rosyjsko-ukraińskim wywarły istotny wpływ na politykę bezpieczeństwa energetycznego UE. Celem niniejszego artykułu jest analiza wpływu rosyjsko-ukraińskich kryzysów gazowych na rozwój polityki energetycznej UE, a w szczególności otoczenia regulacyjnego. Poczucie zagrożenia przyczynia się do zwiększenia solidarności wśród państw unijnych oraz zwiększa zdolności budowy koalicji politycznych. Wraz ze wzrostem agresywnej polityki energetycznej Federacji Rosyjskiej, która oparta jest o założenia szkoły realizmu, instytucje unijne wykorzystują instrumentarium oparte o założenia szkoły liberalizmu. W artykule została zastosowana metoda krytycznej analizy politologicznej oraz metoda analizy czynnikowej. Autor wykorzystał założenia teorii realizmu oraz liberalizmu. Wnioski przedstawione w artykule oparte są o technikę prognozowania. ; Energy crises, in particular the gas crises caused by the Russian-Ukrainian conflict, have had a significant impact on EU energy security. The aim of this paper is to analyse the impact of the Russian- Ukrainian gas crisis on the development of EU energy policy, in particular its regulatory environment. Insecurity contributes to increased solidarity among EU states, resulting in their greater willingness to create political coalitions. With the growth of the aggressive energy policy of the Russian Federation, which is based on the school of realism, EU institutions respond with instruments taken from the school of liberalism. The paper is a critical analysis in terms of political science and factor analysis. The author uses the assumptions of both the theory of realism and that of liberalism. The conclusions presented in the article are based on a forecasting technique.
Kryzysy energetyczne, a w szczególności kryzysy gazowe spowodowane konfliktem rosyjsko- ukraińskim wywarły istotny wpływ na politykę bezpieczeństwa energetycznego UE. Celem niniejszego artykułu jest analiza wpływu rosyjsko-ukraińskich kryzysów gazowych na rozwój polityki energetycznej UE, a w szczególności otoczenia regulacyjnego. Poczucie zagrożenia przyczynia się do zwiększenia solidarności wśród państw unijnych oraz zwiększa zdolności budowy koalicji politycznych. Wraz ze wzrostem agresywnej polityki energetycznej Federacji Rosyjskiej, która oparta jest o założenia szkoły realizmu, instytucje unijne wykorzystują instrumentarium oparte o założenia szkoły liberalizmu. W artykule została zastosowana metoda krytycznej analizy politologicznej oraz metoda analizy czynnikowej. Autor wykorzystał założenia teorii realizmu oraz liberalizmu. Wnioski przedstawione w artykule oparte są o technikę prognozowania. ; Energy crises, in particular the gas crises caused by the Russian Ukrainian conflict, have had a significant impact on EU energy security. The aim of this paper is to analyse the impact of the Russian- Ukrainian gas crisis on the development of EU energy policy, in particular its regulatory environment. Insecurity contributes to increased solidarity among EU states, resulting in their greater willingness to create political coalitions. With the growth of the aggressive energy policy of the Russian Federation, which is based on the school of realism, EU institutions respond with instruments taken from the school of liberalism. The paper is a critical analysis in terms of political science and factor analysis. The author uses the assumptions of both the theory of realism and that of liberalism. The conclusions presented in the article are based on a forecasting technique.
Since 2000, the intensive debate on the future of the European integration has started again. The beginning of the current debate was the Constitutional Treaty, which did not come to force. The idea of creating a federal organization collapsed. The future model of integration is still an open question. On the other hand,the economic crisis of the world economy, started in 2008, which influenced the EU very strongly, rises aquestionwhether the European Union is able to face internal and external crisis. The possible scenariosfor the European Union in the years to come can be very different. The main objective of the paper is toanalyze the current model of the European integration, which consists of very many federal model's elements but is still far away from federation. The influence of the treaties on the hybrid model of integration is discussed in the paper. There are three possible scenarios for the future of the EU presented in this paper. ; Artykuł nie zawiera abstraktu w języku polskim.
Non profit organizations play important role in every democratic country. Their role is even bigger when given economy has to cope with different problems, because organizations support these spheres of social life that are neglected by the state. In this paper condition of American non profit sector between 2006 and 2009 is discussed. As a result of conducted analysis of The Center on Philanthropy at Indiana University reports and information from The Internal Revenue Service it turns that, despite the crisis time, non profit organizations are in good shape. It is connected with a big engagement of almost the whole American society that supports organizations in financial way as well as giving time and work. Such big social support non profit organizations stems both from conviction, that this is a pattern of real American society, and from beneficial tax solutions. ; Non profit organizations play important role in every democratic country. Their role is even bigger when given economy has to cope with different problems, because organizations support these spheres of social life that are neglected by the state. In this paper condition of American non profit sector between 2006 and 2009 is discussed. As a result of conducted analysis of The Center on Philanthropy at Indiana University reports and information from The Internal Revenue Service it turns that, despite the crisis time, non profit organizations are in good shape. It is connected with a big engagement of almost the whole American society that supports organizations in financial way as well as giving time and work. Such big social support non profit organizations stems both from conviction, that this is a pattern of real American society, and from beneficial tax solutions.
Non profit organizations play important role in every democratic country. Their role is even bigger when given economy has to cope with different problems, because organizations support these spheres of social life that are neglected by the state. In this paper condition of American non profit sector between 2006 and 2009 is discussed. As a result of conducted analysis of The Center on Philanthropy at Indiana University reports and information from The Internal Revenue Service it turns that, despite the crisis time, non profit organizations are in good shape. It is connected with a big engagement of almost the whole American society that supports organizations in financial way as well as giving time and work. Such big social support non profit organizations stems both from conviction, that this is a pattern of real American society, and from beneficial tax solutions. ; Non profit organizations play important role in every democratic country. Their role is even bigger when given economy has to cope with different problems, because organizations support these spheres of social life that are neglected by the state. In this paper condition of American non profit sector between 2006 and 2009 is discussed. As a result of conducted analysis of The Center on Philanthropy at Indiana University reports and information from The Internal Revenue Service it turns that, despite the crisis time, non profit organizations are in good shape. It is connected with a big engagement of almost the whole American society that supports organizations in financial way as well as giving time and work. Such big social support non profit organizations stems both from conviction, that this is a pattern of real American society, and from beneficial tax solutions.
The article provides an analysis of the powers of the President of the Republic of Poland, which may have an impact on counteracting and moderating constitutional crises and constitutional rot. It aims to describe the potential actions that the head of state may take in a constitutional crisis to restore the stabilization of the state and the constitutional order with its values. The study also includes a reflection on the influence of the style of the presidency on the effectiveness of arbitration.
This paper's objective is to study the impact of the war in Ukraine on the Eastern policy of the European Union. To achieve this goal, it is necessary to highlight this policy's position in the overall international activity of the EU, as well as its characteristic features, main goals, instruments, and two components: the strategic partnership with Russia and the Eastern Partnership (EaP). The substantive part of the paper contains an analysis which, taking into account the implications of the war in Ukraine, is intended to justify three research hypotheses. They concern: the complete failure of the strategic partnership with Russia, then the serious crisis of the EaP and, finally, the possibility of achieving success in the Eastern policy in the form of Ukraine's accession to the EU. As indicated in the conclusion, this would provide the European Union with a permanently strong position in Eastern Europe.
The purpose of this paper is to analyze the specificity of institutional changes taking place in the framework of European integration, with particular emphasis on the crisis. Have these changes been increasingly often introduced by non-democratic methods in order to improve their efficiency? Regardless of whether they are gradual (incremental) or radical, are they implemented as a result of informal and discreet agreements reached in the restricted circles of the political and official elite, and bypassing citizens? Can one refer to national democracy without harming the progressing integration of the Old Continent? The analysis is based on two examples – the amendments to EU treaties concluded by the establishment of the Lisbon Treaty in 2007 and expanding the powers of the European Central Bank at the time of the eurozone crisis. ; The purpose of this paper is to analyze the specificity of institutional changes taking place in the framework of European integration, with particular emphasis on the crisis. Have these changes been increasingly often introduced by non-democratic methods in order to improve their efficiency? Regardless of whether they are gradual (incremental) or radical, are they implemented as a result of informal and discreet agreements reached in the restricted circles of the political and official elite, and bypassing citizens? Can one refer to national democracy without harming the progressing integration of the Old Continent? The analysis is based on two examples – the amendments to EU treaties concluded by the establishment of the Lisbon Treaty in 2007 and expanding the powers of the European Central Bank at the time of the eurozone crisis.
The aim of the article is a political science analysis of the European Union's response to the humanitarian crisis in Syria. The following research hypotheses will be verified in the publication. Firstly, the European Union functions in an environment of dynamic changes that determine its decisions and actions, which take place on many levels of social life and at the same time on many levels. The European Union's actions in relation to the humanitarian crisis in Syria are determined by two main variables. The first one occurs at the international level – in this case, with a distinction between the level of the regional system – and combines the effects of the end of the Cold War and globalization processes, i.e. functional and structural elements. It is the hybrid war in Syria. The second variable, unprecedented in its scale, migratory pressure takes place at the level of the interior of the Member States. Secondly, following the hybrid war in Syria and the activity of the so-called Islamic State, the migratory pressure that the European Union began to experience became a threat to its liberal model as well as its internal cohesion. Therefore, by engaging in humanitarian aid for Syria, the European Union wants to prevent a serious crisis within its own structures. A methodological assumption was made according to which the phenomena and processes in the environment of the European Union functioning on many levels are independent variables, while its decisions and actions are dependent variables. In the context of the formulated research hypotheses, the subject of the analysis in the article is, firstly, to define the essence and dynamics of the humanitarian crisis in Syria. Secondly, the identification and analysis of the determinants of that crisis. Third, to show the actions of the European Union in the face of the humanitarian crisis in Syria. ; Celem artykułu jest politologiczna analiza reakcji Unii Europejskiej na kryzys humanitarny w Syrii. W publikacji weryfikacji poddane zostaną następujące hipotezy badawcze. Po pierwsze, Unia Europejska funkcjonuje w środowisku dynamicznych, warunkujących jej decyzje i działania zmian, które zachodzą na wielu poziomach życia społecznego i jednocześnie wielu jego płaszczyznach. Działania Unii Europejskiej wobec kryzysu humanitarnego w Syrii warunkowane są przez dwie główne zmienne. Pierwsza z nich występuje na poziomie międzynarodowym – w tym przypadku z wyodrębnieniem poziomu systemu regionalnego – oraz łączy skutki końca zimnej wojny i procesów globalizacji, czyli elementy funkcjonalne i strukturalne. Jest nią wojna hybrydowa w Syrii. Druga zmienna w postaci bezprecedensowej w swej skali presji migracyjnej ma miejsce na poziomie wnętrza państw członkowskich. Po drugie, będąca następstwem wojny hybrydowej w Syrii i aktywności tzw. Państwa Islamskiego presja migracyjna, jakiej zaczęła doświadczać Unia Europejska stała się zagrożeniem dla jej liberalnego modelu, a także wewnętrznej spójności. Dlatego też angażując się w pomoc humanitarną dla Syrii, Unia Europejska chce zapobiec poważnemu kryzowi wewnątrz własnych struktur. Przyjęto założenie metodologiczne, zgodnie z którym funkcjonujące na wielu płaszczyznach zjawiska i procesy w środowisku Unii Europejskiej są zmiennymi niezależnymi, natomiast jej decyzje i działania zmiennymi zależnymi. W kontekście sformułowanych hipotez badawczych przedmiotem analizy w artykule jest po pierwsze, określenie istoty i dynamiki kryzysu humanitarnego w Syrii. Po drugie, identyfikacja i analiza uwarunkowań owego kryzysu. Po trzecie, ukazanie działań Unii Europejskiej wobec kryzysu humanitarnego w Syrii.
Celem artykułu jest politologiczna analiza reakcji Unii Europejskiej na kryzys humanitarny w Syrii. W publikacji weryfikacji poddane zostaną następujące hipotezy badawcze. Po pierwsze, Unia Europejska funkcjonuje w środowisku dynamicznych, warunkujących jej decyzje i działania zmian, które zachodzą na wielu poziomach życia społecznego i jednocześnie wielu jego płaszczyznach. Działania Unii Europejskiej wobec kryzysu humanitarnego w Syrii warunkowane są przez dwie główne zmienne. Pierwsza z nich występuje na poziomie międzynarodowym – w tym przypadku z wyodrębnieniem poziomu systemu regionalnego – oraz łączy skutki końca zimnej wojny i procesów globalizacji, czyli elementy funkcjonalne i strukturalne. Jest nią wojna hybrydowa w Syrii. Druga zmienna w postaci bezprecedensowej w swej skali presji migracyjnej ma miejsce na poziomie wnętrza państw członkowskich. Po drugie, będąca następstwem wojny hybrydowej w Syrii i aktywności tzw. Państwa Islamskiego presja migracyjna, jakiej zaczęła doświadczać Unia Europejska stała się zagrożeniem dla jej liberalnego modelu, a także wewnętrznej spójności. Dlatego też angażując się w pomoc humanitarną dla Syrii, Unia Europejska chce zapobiec poważnemu kryzowi wewnątrz własnych struktur. Przyjęto założenie metodologiczne, zgodnie z którym funkcjonujące na wielu płaszczyznach zjawiska i procesy w środowisku Unii Europejskiej są zmiennymi niezależnymi, natomiast jej decyzje i działania zmiennymi zależnymi. W kontekście sformułowanych hipotez badawczych przedmiotem analizy w artykule jest po pierwsze, określenie istoty i dynamiki kryzysu humanitarnego w Syrii. Po drugie, identyfikacja i analiza uwarunkowań owego kryzysu. Po trzecie, ukazanie działań Unii Europejskiej wobec kryzysu humanitarnego w Syrii. ; The aim of the article is a political science analysis of the European Union's response to the humanitarian crisis in Syria. The following research hypotheses will be verified in the publication. Firstly, the European Union functions in an environment of dynamic changes that determine its decisions and actions, which take place on many levels of social life and at the same time on many levels. The European Union's actions in relation to the humanitarian crisis in Syria are determined by two main variables. The first one occurs at the international level – in this case, with a distinction between the level of the regional system – and combines the effects of the end of the Cold War and globalization processes, i.e. functional and structural elements. It is the hybrid war in Syria. The second variable, unprecedented in its scale, migratory pressure takes place at the level of the interior of the Member States. Secondly, following the hybrid war in Syria and the activity of the so-called Islamic State, the migratory pressure that the European Union began to experience became a threat to its liberal model as well as its internal cohesion. Therefore, by engaging in humanitarian aid for Syria, the European Union wants to prevent a serious crisis within its own structures. A methodological assumption was made according to which the phenomena and processes in the environment of the European Union functioning on many levels are independent variables, while its decisions and actions are dependent variables. In the context of the formulated research hypotheses, the subject of the analysis in the article is, firstly, to define the essence and dynamics of the humanitarian crisis in Syria. Secondly, the identification and analysis of the determinants of that crisis. Third, to show the actions of the European Union in the face of the humanitarian crisis in Syria.
Celem niniejszego artykułu jest przedstawienie nowego koniunktywnego podejścia w badaniach integracji europejskiej: deliberatywnej fuzji międzyrządowej. Bazuje ono na połączeniu liberalnej teorii międzyrządowej, teorii fuzji i teorii deliberatywnego supranacjonalizmu. Główną myślą jest stwierdzenie, że żadna z istniejących koncepcji teoretycznych nie jest w stanie wyjaśnić istoty procesów integracyjnych w ramach Unii Europejskiej. W artykule przedstawiono podstawowe założenia wskazanych teorii (traktowanych jako koncepcje wyjściowe), przeanalizowano główne cechy Unii Europejskiej w czasie kryzysu, a także zaprezentowano podstawowe elementy nowego podejścia. Zaproponowana koncepcja powinna wykazywać przydatność nie tylko w sytuacji kryzysowej, ale także oferować instrumenty analizy integracji europejskiej w okresie pokryzysowym. ; The purpose of this paper is to present a new conjunctive approach in the research on European integration: deliberative intergovernmental fusion. The concept derives from a merging of liberal intergovernmentalism, fusion theory and deliberative supranationalism. The main idea is based on the view that no existing theoretical concept is able to explain the essence of integration processes in the European Union. This paper presents the principal assumptions of the three theories (treated as starting-point approaches), the main features of the European Union in crisis, as well as basic elements of the new approach. The concept proposed should be useful not only in a crisis situation, but also offer instruments for the analysis of European integration in the post-crisis period.
This paper explores the role played by the EU in addressing the crisis in Mali. The analysis briefly covers the causes and the outbreak of the crisis, the Frenchled intervention and the role of regional organisations and the UN's response. The aim is to explore the evolution and humanitarian consequences of the Malian crisis with particular concern for the role played by the EU. The paper concludes with a brief analysis of the limitations of the EU's Common Security and Defence Policy and the lack of political will to generate a concrete fast response as in the case of Mali. ; This paper explores the role played by the EU in addressing the crisis in Mali. The analysis briefly covers the causes and the outbreak of the crisis, the Frenchled intervention and the role of regional organisations and the UN's response. The aim is to explore the evolution and humanitarian consequences of the Malian crisis with particular concern for the role played by the EU. The paper concludes with a brief analysis of the limitations of the EU's Common Security and Defence Policy and the lack of political will to generate a concrete fast response as in the case of Mali.
Owing to current events in Belarus (political and social, including the economic crisis and the ongoing activities that are having a negative impact on the functioning of opposition movements), the country is becoming an arena of competition for influence. In the context of the subject of this analysis, rivalry, especially in terms of the influence of other states on Belarusian society, is of key importance. Science diplomacy may be a tool of competition for influence. The fact that science diplomacy can be both a tool with which to cooperate with other countries in the region and a tool of competition for influence is of key importance in analysing this problem. The scientific potential of the Belarusian community is also of interest to other countries, including Ukraine, Lithuania, and Germany. The effective and efficient implementation of science diplomacy activities towards Belarus is undoubtedly in line with the well-understood Polish national interest. The aim of the article was to conduct a political and legal analysis of the process by which Poland is using science diplomacy as a tool for influencing the scientific community of Belarus. Another research goal was to analyse the activities undertaken by two other countries in the region – Ukraine and Lithuania – with respect to science diplomacy. The article also aimed to analyse the formal and legal conditions related to the normative solutions used in the countries under analysis, enabling the undertaking and implementation of education by Belarusian citizens. The educational and scientific programmes offered to students and scientists from Belarus in Poland were also subject to legal analyses. The whole analysis is supplemented and concluded by an attempt to evaluate the effectiveness of the activities carried out so far.
The aim of the article is to present and evaluate the involvement of the United States of America in resolving the 2011 Libya crisis. This problem is considered taking into account bilateral and multilateral circumstances. The individual parts of the article discuss issues such as relations between the United States of America and Libya before the crisis, as well as US actions during the crisis and the reasons for carrying them out. This concerns, inter alia, Washington's political activity in the UN Security Council and the contribution of the US Armed Forces to the military operation in Libya. The evolution of the United States position on the use of the military factor to change the political regime of Libya is also shown. The research problem is included in the questions, what motivated Washington's actions towards Libya and whether the chosen policy was justified? The main thesis of the article is that the basic reason for the involvement of the United States of America in the crisis in Libya were the premises of a humanitarian nature, but the US interests were also important. Unfortunately, the military action did not lead to the end of the internal conflict in this country. The approach of the United States of America to the crisis in Libya was an important element for the formulation of the doctrine of President Barack Obama. There can be observed the elements that match both the liberal and realistic concept of international relations. In the article, the text source analysis method was used. ; Celem artykułu jest przedstawienie i ocena zaangażowania Stanów Zjednoczonych Ameryki w rozwiązanie kryzysu w Libii z 2011 roku. Problem ten rozpatrywano z uwzględnieniem okoliczności dwustronnych i wielostronnych. W poszczególnych częściach artykułu omówiono zagadnienia, takie jak relacje Stanów Zjednoczonych Ameryki i Libii przed kryzysem oraz działania USA w trakcie kryzysu i motywy je warunkujące. Dotyczy to między innymi aktywności politycznej Waszyngtonu na forum Rady Bezpieczeństwa ONZ oraz wkładu Sił Zbrojnych USA w operację zbrojną w Libii. Ukazano również ewolucję stanowiska Stanów Zjednoczonych Ameryki w kwestii wykorzystania czynnika militarnego do zmiany reżimu politycznego Libii. Problem badawczy zawiera się w pytaniach, czym motywowane były działania Waszyngtonu wobec Libii oraz czy obrana polityka była zasadna? Główną tezą artykułu jest stwierdzenie, że podstawowym powodem zaangażowania się Stanów Zjednoczonych Ameryki w kryzys w Libii były przesłanki natury humanitarnej, jednak liczyły się także interesy USA. Niestety akcja zbrojna nie doprowadziła do zakończenia konfliktu wewnętrznego w tym państwie. Podejście Waszyngtonu do kryzysu w Libii było ważnym elementem wpływającym na formułowanie doktryny prezydenta Baracka Obamy. Możemy w nim dostrzec cechy wpisujące się zarówno w liberalną, jak i realistyczną koncepcję stosunków międzynarodowych. W artykule wykorzystano metodę analizy źródeł tekstowych.
