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The author explores the operational capability of the European defense policy in the last 3 years. From the creation & adoption of the European Security Strategy, the European Union has made several specific steps in the development of the European Security & Defence Policy. Despite the disagreements with the United States about Iraq & the internal divisions in the "New & Old Europe" EU has shown the ability to set new military & civilian goals, make a small, but effective battle group concept for crisis management & conflict prevention as well as the European Defense Agency. The author also describes the main operations & missions of EU in the world, ranging from the Balkans & Africa to the Middle East & Eastern Asia. Finally, the paper analyses the Constitution for Europe & the articles concerning ESDP. References. Adapted from the source document.

This article aims to examine the importance of an often overlooked argument when it comes to explaining why great powers go to war against a weaker actor. This argument involves great power status considerations. The article argues that states care deeply about their status, especially states which are current and former great powers, and would opt to go to war to preserve this status even if the political and military consequences of such intervention are negligible to objective observers. To illustrate this argument, I will be looking at why the British decided to reestablish their sovereignty over the Falklands in 1982. The empirical part of the analysis is based on formerly secret documents declassified by the British government. This qualitative primary analysis of British documents provides new insights about the crisis and suggests that status considerations played a large role in the British decision to re-conquer the Falklands. ; This article aims to examine the importance of an often overlooked argument when it comes to explaining why great powers go to war against a weaker actor. This argument involves great power status considerations. The article argues that states care deeply about their status, especially states which are current and former great powers, and would opt to go to war to preserve this status even if the political and military consequences of such intervention are negligible to objective observers. To illustrate this argument, I will be looking at why the British decided to reestablish their sovereignty over the Falklands in 1982. The empirical part of the analysis is based on formerly secret documents declassified by the British government. This qualitative primary analysis of British documents provides new insights about the crisis and suggests that status considerations played a large role in the British decision to re-conquer the Falklands.

The author analyzes the genesis & the scenarios of the Kosovo crisis resolution, as well as the possible political reverberations of the NATO military intervention. The premise is that the Kosovo crisis is only a continuation of the break-up of the former Yugoslavia; Kosovo has for centuries been a separate entity largely populated by Albanians; the policy of Serbian nationalism has permanently discriminated against the Albanian population; & prior to the recent air strikes against Yugoslavia, Serbia had systematically led an ethnic-cleansing campaign on Kosovo. Although the author recognizes that support for the NATO military action can hardly be found in the tenets of the UN Charter, he argues that it can nevertheless be justified by international law. He points out that NATO's military campaign enjoyed the broad support of the people of NATO member countries, but that it has made a rift in the European Left. The new Left was in the forefront of the action, while the old, dogmatic, & sectarian Left found itself in the ranks of its most vocal opponents. The author claims that Milosevic, with his overall politics, & particularly his policy on Kosovo, had propelled the West into an action from which it could not extricate itself. He concludes that the consequences of Belgrade's defeat will be (1) the collapse of Milosevic's regime (the beginning of his end); (2) the final incapacitation of Milosevic's politics to create new conflicts; (3) the protectorate over Kosovo & its autonomy, with a factual independence from Serbia; (4) the independence of Montenegro; (5) Reinforcing the Dayton policy in Bosnia & Herzegovina (eliminating centrifugal tendencies); (6) the organized participation of the West in the transitional processes in this region (the pact on the stability of southeast Europe); & (7) bolstering the democratic & weakening the undemocratic tendencies in the region. Adapted from the source document.

Stopa samoubojstava i dalje je visoka u Sloveniji, pogotovo u ruralnim područjima i među poljoprivrednicima. Kao i u slučaju mnogih problema s kojima se suočava ruralno stanovništvo, vrlo je malo socijalnih odgovora u smislu političkog djelovanja, zdravstvenih i socijalnih usluga i istraživanja. U ovom se radu detaljno analizira samoubojstvo poljoprivrednika kao socijalni problem utemeljen na sljedećim kriterijima: prvo, opseg situacije smatra se zabrinjavajućim i nejednakim; drugo, normativne strukture su abnormalno ili štetno povezane sa situacijom; treće, postoji volja i moć da se izmijeni situacija jer se ista smatra neprihvatljivom u skladu sa društvenom etikom i vrijednostima; i četvrto, primjena socijalnih odgovora kao što su programi intervencije i zajedničko djelovanje. Ovaj okvir omogućuje naglašavanje roda (muški), lokacije (ruralna), lokalne kulture (agrarne vrijednosti) i zanimanje (poljoprivreda). Prioritet za buduće mjere, praksu i istraživanje treba usmjeriti na ove socijalne odrednice zdravlja i dobrobiti kako bi se pružila podrška poljoprivrednicima, zajednicama i udrugama. ; The rate of suicide remains high in Slovenia, particularly in rural settings and among farmers. As is the case with many issues faced by rural people, few social responses are developed in terms of political action, health and social services and research. In this article, the severity of farmers' suicide in Slovenia is detailed and analysed as a social problem based on the following criteria: first, the scope of the situation is considered worrying and unequal; second, normative structures are abnormally or harmfully connected to the situation; third, there is a will and a power to transform the situation because it is found unacceptable according to social ethics and values; and fourth, the implementation of social responses such as intervention programmes and collective actions. This framework enables to highlight the importance of gender (masculinities), location (rural settings), local culture (agrarian values) and occupation (farming). Priority for future policies, practice and research should focus on these social determinants of health and wellbeing in support of farming people, communities and associations.

The understanding and clarification of important social events as themes must be derived from the hermeneutic code of the epoch. The millennial threshold was marked by processes of integration and particularisation, which were observed, as constitutive principle or principle of legitimate refutation, also in the bringing down of socialist orders and the establishment of supranational associations. Thus a discussion of the (empirical) position and (normative) status of ethnic minorities must as well be positioned in a universal European context, in which the predominant role is played by liberal theory and liberal practice. In societies going through transformation from ideological to legal state, answers to multi-ethnic needs must be sought in the patterns of liberal philosophy, taking into account (a) the delusion of Western theory that the change of regime brings about a spontaneous springing up of liberal institutions from the socialist ruins, and (b) the possible disproof of the assertion that the recognition of collective rights of ethnic minorities violates the liberal principle of universal equality of citizens as abstract members of the state. On the other hand, it is necessary to understand and acknowledge the historical heritage when solving the issue of ethnic minority rights in the countries of Eastern and Central Europe, since the issue was absorbed in their authoritarian past by the ideological supranational programme. All the falsity of the "state of peoples and ethnicities" was fully exposed at the outset of transition, when the regime crisis arose coupled with the crisis of state identity. The states which divided themselves and seceded did fall apart exactly along the lines of the ethnic components. It is precisely in view of the described experience (along with the "surplus of violence" syndrome) that the post-Yugoslavian consolidation necessarily requires institutional guarantee and practical recognition of particular ethnic identities. Adapted from the source document.

U radu autori analiziraju korijene, donošenje i neposredne učinke prvog posredničkog napora Europske zajednice u jugoslavenskoj krizi, odnosno Zajedničke deklaracije o mirnom rješavanju jugoslavenske krize, usvojenoj na Brijunima 7. srpnja 1991. Autori utvrđuju kako je djelovanje posredničke misije Europske zajednice, ministarske trojke, oformljene kao posebna ad hoc interventna skupina, bilo obilježeno brojnim nedosljednostima i drugim postupcima koji nisu bili u skladu s nužnom nepristranošću međunarodnog posredništva. ; The authors analyze the roots, enactment and immediate effects of the first mediation efforts by the European Community in the crisis of the former Yugoslavia, i.e., the Joint Declaration on seeking a peaceful solution to the Yugoslav crisis, signed on the Brioni Islands on July 7, 1991. The authors have determined that the intermediary mission of the European Community, the Ministerial Troika, formed as a special ad hoc intervention group, was marred by numerous inconsistencies and other behavior incompatible with the necessary impartiality of international mediation.