Currently the world is threatened by a global COVID-19 pandemic and it has induced crisis creating a lot of disruptions in the healthcare system, social life and economy. In this article we present the analysis of COVID-19 situation in Lithuania and it's municipalities taking into consideration the effect of non-pharmaceutical interventions on the reproduction number. We have analysed the period from 20/03/2020 to 20/06/2021 co\-vering two quarantines applied in Lithuania. We calculated the reproduction number using the incidence data provided by State Data Governance Information System, while the information for applied non-pharmaceutical interventions was extracted from Oxford COVID-19 Government Response Tracker and the COVID-19 website of Government of the Republic of Lithuania. The positive effect of applied non-pharmaceutical interventions on reproduction number was observed when internal movement ban was applied in 16/12/2020 during the second quarantine in Lithuania.
Currently the world is threatened by a global COVID-19 pandemic and it has induced crisis creating a lot of disruptions in the healthcare system, social life and economy. In this article we present the analysis of COVID-19 situation in Lithuania and it's municipalities taking into consideration the effect of non-pharmaceutical interventions on the reproduction number. We have analysed the period from 20/03/2020 to 20/06/2021 co\-vering two quarantines applied in Lithuania. We calculated the reproduction number using the incidence data provided by State Data Governance Information System, while the information for applied non-pharmaceutical interventions was extracted from Oxford COVID-19 Government Response Tracker and the COVID-19 website of Government of the Republic of Lithuania. The positive effect of applied non-pharmaceutical interventions on reproduction number was observed when internal movement ban was applied in 16/12/2020 during the second quarantine in Lithuania.
The article deals with the impact of the world economic crisis that caught Lithuania in 2008, and the measures to overcome it, on Lithuania's legal system. The legal system is treated as a concept much wider than the system of positive law, statutory and jurisprudential. It includes inter alia legal mentality, legal culture and practice of law-making and law-applying institutions. In this sense, the crisis and the measures designed to overcome it have produced a much wider impact on the legal system, than merely intervention to the positive law (different areas of legal regulation), because the legal standards of a democratic regime have underwent change: the settled standards of the rule of law and the protection of human rights have been lowered as the legal system appeared to be no longer able to secure defence of certain rights. This is a general hypothesis which has to be tested in the framework of the research project "Challenges of the Economic Crisis (Recession) for the Rule of Law and Human Rights", conducted by the scholars of the Faculty of Law of Vilnius University. This article is introductory in relation to other articles written within the said project and published in this issue of "Teisė". The articles discusses at length the methodological avenue along which distinct parts of the research have to be further developed, that is dimensions, or fields of tension, where opposition between law and other phenomena show: (i) law v. economic reality; (ii) law v. politics; (iii) law v. society. The research aims at showing how, in each of the segments of the human rights catalogue, and to what extent economic inevitability has induced the lowering of the settled standards of the rule of law and the protection of human rights and, on the other hand, where there lies a boundary of these standards which even economic inevitability is not able to force the legal system to overstep. Also, the research has to show what political initiatives aimed at self-protection of anti-crisis policy (and policy/politics at large) against judicial control have been promoted, and what is the condition of society which either allows these initiatives to be implemented or hinders them. In order to draw on the latter aspect, a representative opinion research was conducted in the framework of the research project, which has produced results testifying of some auspiciousness of the social medium for such situation where policy/politics is less controlled by law than in the pre-crisis times.
The article deals with the impact of the world economic crisis that caught Lithuania in 2008, and the measures to overcome it, on Lithuania's legal system. The legal system is treated as a concept much wider than the system of positive law, statutory and jurisprudential. It includes inter alia legal mentality, legal culture and practice of law-making and law-applying institutions. In this sense, the crisis and the measures designed to overcome it have produced a much wider impact on the legal system, than merely intervention to the positive law (different areas of legal regulation), because the legal standards of a democratic regime have underwent change: the settled standards of the rule of law and the protection of human rights have been lowered as the legal system appeared to be no longer able to secure defence of certain rights. This is a general hypothesis which has to be tested in the framework of the research project "Challenges of the Economic Crisis (Recession) for the Rule of Law and Human Rights", conducted by the scholars of the Faculty of Law of Vilnius University. This article is introductory in relation to other articles written within the said project and published in this issue of "Teisė". The articles discusses at length the methodological avenue along which distinct parts of the research have to be further developed, that is dimensions, or fields of tension, where opposition between law and other phenomena show: (i) law v. economic reality; (ii) law v. politics; (iii) law v. society. The research aims at showing how, in each of the segments of the human rights catalogue, and to what extent economic inevitability has induced the lowering of the settled standards of the rule of law and the protection of human rights and, on the other hand, where there lies a boundary of these standards which even economic inevitability is not able to force the legal system to overstep. Also, the research has to show what political initiatives aimed at self-protection of anti-crisis policy (and policy/politics at large) against judicial control have been promoted, and what is the condition of society which either allows these initiatives to be implemented or hinders them. In order to draw on the latter aspect, a representative opinion research was conducted in the framework of the research project, which has produced results testifying of some auspiciousness of the social medium for such situation where policy/politics is less controlled by law than in the pre-crisis times.
The article deals with the impact of the world economic crisis that caught Lithuania in 2008, and the measures to overcome it, on Lithuania's legal system. The legal system is treated as a concept much wider than the system of positive law, statutory and jurisprudential. It includes inter alia legal mentality, legal culture and practice of law-making and law-applying institutions. In this sense, the crisis and the measures designed to overcome it have produced a much wider impact on the legal system, than merely intervention to the positive law (different areas of legal regulation), because the legal standards of a democratic regime have underwent change: the settled standards of the rule of law and the protection of human rights have been lowered as the legal system appeared to be no longer able to secure defence of certain rights. This is a general hypothesis which has to be tested in the framework of the research project "Challenges of the Economic Crisis (Recession) for the Rule of Law and Human Rights", conducted by the scholars of the Faculty of Law of Vilnius University. This article is introductory in relation to other articles written within the said project and published in this issue of "Teisė". The articles discusses at length the methodological avenue along which distinct parts of the research have to be further developed, that is dimensions, or fields of tension, where opposition between law and other phenomena show: (i) law v. economic reality; (ii) law v. politics; (iii) law v. society. The research aims at showing how, in each of the segments of the human rights catalogue, and to what extent economic inevitability has induced the lowering of the settled standards of the rule of law and the protection of human rights and, on the other hand, where there lies a boundary of these standards which even economic inevitability is not able to force the legal system to overstep. Also, the research has to show what political initiatives aimed at self-protection of anti-crisis policy (and policy/politics at large) against judicial control have been promoted, and what is the condition of society which either allows these initiatives to be implemented or hinders them. In order to draw on the latter aspect, a representative opinion research was conducted in the framework of the research project, which has produced results testifying of some auspiciousness of the social medium for such situation where policy/politics is less controlled by law than in the pre-crisis times.
The article deals with the impact of the world economic crisis that caught Lithuania in 2008, and the measures to overcome it, on Lithuania's legal system. The legal system is treated as a concept much wider than the system of positive law, statutory and jurisprudential. It includes inter alia legal mentality, legal culture and practice of law-making and law-applying institutions. In this sense, the crisis and the measures designed to overcome it have produced a much wider impact on the legal system, than merely intervention to the positive law (different areas of legal regulation), because the legal standards of a democratic regime have underwent change: the settled standards of the rule of law and the protection of human rights have been lowered as the legal system appeared to be no longer able to secure defence of certain rights. This is a general hypothesis which has to be tested in the framework of the research project "Challenges of the Economic Crisis (Recession) for the Rule of Law and Human Rights", conducted by the scholars of the Faculty of Law of Vilnius University. This article is introductory in relation to other articles written within the said project and published in this issue of "Teisė". The articles discusses at length the methodological avenue along which distinct parts of the research have to be further developed, that is dimensions, or fields of tension, where opposition between law and other phenomena show: (i) law v. economic reality; (ii) law v. politics; (iii) law v. society. The research aims at showing how, in each of the segments of the human rights catalogue, and to what extent economic inevitability has induced the lowering of the settled standards of the rule of law and the protection of human rights and, on the other hand, where there lies a boundary of these standards which even economic inevitability is not able to force the legal system to overstep. Also, the research has to show what political initiatives aimed at self-protection of anti-crisis policy (and policy/politics at large) against judicial control have been promoted, and what is the condition of society which either allows these initiatives to be implemented or hinders them. In order to draw on the latter aspect, a representative opinion research was conducted in the framework of the research project, which has produced results testifying of some auspiciousness of the social medium for such situation where policy/politics is less controlled by law than in the pre-crisis times.
The Italian foreign policy is the topic of the present research; more precisely, the policies pursued in relation to the Libyan crisis of the year 2011. The most recent events taking place in the African country bring along the necessity of shedding a new light on the role of the Western state that most interests had to defend in Libya, and that is still very much concerned by the latter situation at a time when a new possible military intervention is considered. The object of the research is the Italian foreign policy considered from the beginning of the Libyan crises in 2011, namely from when protests against the government started in Benghazi and clashes with the police took place in mid February, until the end of the NATO mission Operation Unified Protector in Libya on October 31 of that same year, following the death of Col. Gaddafi and the defeat of the loyalist forces. The goal of the research is to identify the Italian postures and their consistency with its actual behaviour during the Libyan crisis, evaluating if the Italian foreign policy has been capable of serving the national interest. The tasks of the research are to justify the choice of the neorealist theoretical framework introducing the main vectors of Italian foreign policy from 1945 to the present and their relations with the Libyan case, to assess the status of the relations between Italy and Libya at the end of the year 2010, to trace the Italian diplomatic and political rhetoric related to the crisis understanding the rational behind the Italian formal positioning, to check it against the actual Italian actions along the crisis, and to assess the results achieved. Document analysis is the research method employed, and the results indicate that Italy displayed a negligent management of the crisis since non-linearity, inconsistency and ineffectiveness were recurrent features to be found in its behaviour, sided by a lack of understanding of the overall Libyan situation. The Italian stances and actions were taken into account through a neorealist theoretical framework. The conclusion of the work is that the Italian foreign policy in relation to the Libyan crisis of 2011 have showed strong signs of non-linearity and inconsistency during the last phase of the crisis, and that the results achieved can not be considered satisfactory in any of the two phases, whilst in both of them an important lack of knowledge on key elements related to the issue has been displayed.
The Italian foreign policy is the topic of the present research; more precisely, the policies pursued in relation to the Libyan crisis of the year 2011. The most recent events taking place in the African country bring along the necessity of shedding a new light on the role of the Western state that most interests had to defend in Libya, and that is still very much concerned by the latter situation at a time when a new possible military intervention is considered. The object of the research is the Italian foreign policy considered from the beginning of the Libyan crises in 2011, namely from when protests against the government started in Benghazi and clashes with the police took place in mid February, until the end of the NATO mission Operation Unified Protector in Libya on October 31 of that same year, following the death of Col. Gaddafi and the defeat of the loyalist forces. The goal of the research is to identify the Italian postures and their consistency with its actual behaviour during the Libyan crisis, evaluating if the Italian foreign policy has been capable of serving the national interest. The tasks of the research are to justify the choice of the neorealist theoretical framework introducing the main vectors of Italian foreign policy from 1945 to the present and their relations with the Libyan case, to assess the status of the relations between Italy and Libya at the end of the year 2010, to trace the Italian diplomatic and political rhetoric related to the crisis understanding the rational behind the Italian formal positioning, to check it against the actual Italian actions along the crisis, and to assess the results achieved. Document analysis is the research method employed, and the results indicate that Italy displayed a negligent management of the crisis since non-linearity, inconsistency and ineffectiveness were recurrent features to be found in its behaviour, sided by a lack of understanding of the overall Libyan situation. The Italian stances and actions were taken into account through a neorealist theoretical framework. The conclusion of the work is that the Italian foreign policy in relation to the Libyan crisis of 2011 have showed strong signs of non-linearity and inconsistency during the last phase of the crisis, and that the results achieved can not be considered satisfactory in any of the two phases, whilst in both of them an important lack of knowledge on key elements related to the issue has been displayed.
The Italian foreign policy is the topic of the present research; more precisely, the policies pursued in relation to the Libyan crisis of the year 2011. The most recent events taking place in the African country bring along the necessity of shedding a new light on the role of the Western state that most interests had to defend in Libya, and that is still very much concerned by the latter situation at a time when a new possible military intervention is considered. The object of the research is the Italian foreign policy considered from the beginning of the Libyan crises in 2011, namely from when protests against the government started in Benghazi and clashes with the police took place in mid February, until the end of the NATO mission Operation Unified Protector in Libya on October 31 of that same year, following the death of Col. Gaddafi and the defeat of the loyalist forces. The goal of the research is to identify the Italian postures and their consistency with its actual behaviour during the Libyan crisis, evaluating if the Italian foreign policy has been capable of serving the national interest. The tasks of the research are to justify the choice of the neorealist theoretical framework introducing the main vectors of Italian foreign policy from 1945 to the present and their relations with the Libyan case, to assess the status of the relations between Italy and Libya at the end of the year 2010, to trace the Italian diplomatic and political rhetoric related to the crisis understanding the rational behind the Italian formal positioning, to check it against the actual Italian actions along the crisis, and to assess the results achieved. Document analysis is the research method employed, and the results indicate that Italy displayed a negligent management of the crisis since non-linearity, inconsistency and ineffectiveness were recurrent features to be found in its behaviour, sided by a lack of understanding of the overall Libyan situation. The Italian stances and actions were taken into account through a neorealist theoretical framework. The conclusion of the work is that the Italian foreign policy in relation to the Libyan crisis of 2011 have showed strong signs of non-linearity and inconsistency during the last phase of the crisis, and that the results achieved can not be considered satisfactory in any of the two phases, whilst in both of them an important lack of knowledge on key elements related to the issue has been displayed.
The main purpose of this work is to analyses government regulation of economy, to survey its policy of regulation and to give assessment. In the first part, on the grounds of scientific economical theories and ideologies of political economy, advantages and disadvantages of government intervention into economy are analyzed, as well as preconditions for such regulation. In the second part, the example of Lithuania is examined, analyzing those spheres where the regulation of market exists. In the third part, taking into consideration the contemporary economical situation, attempts to revive economy taken by the Lithuanian government are evaluated. While the economy in the whole world is facing recession, macroeconomic indicators in Lithuania are also low. As a result, this study analysis the reasons of this phenomenon and gives suggestions how to avoid it. As the problem is significant at the microeconomic level, the results of the study will help to reveal the reasons why this economic policy is ineffective. Furthermore, conclusions and suggestions at the end of this study will present methods of government regulation that could accelerate recovery from economical crisis recession. This work includes 8 charts and 24 pictures.
The main purpose of this work is to analyses government regulation of economy, to survey its policy of regulation and to give assessment. In the first part, on the grounds of scientific economical theories and ideologies of political economy, advantages and disadvantages of government intervention into economy are analyzed, as well as preconditions for such regulation. In the second part, the example of Lithuania is examined, analyzing those spheres where the regulation of market exists. In the third part, taking into consideration the contemporary economical situation, attempts to revive economy taken by the Lithuanian government are evaluated. While the economy in the whole world is facing recession, macroeconomic indicators in Lithuania are also low. As a result, this study analysis the reasons of this phenomenon and gives suggestions how to avoid it. As the problem is significant at the microeconomic level, the results of the study will help to reveal the reasons why this economic policy is ineffective. Furthermore, conclusions and suggestions at the end of this study will present methods of government regulation that could accelerate recovery from economical crisis recession. This work includes 8 charts and 24 pictures.
The Ukraine crisis better known as Maidan is a power struggle between factions within Ukraine. One of the factions wants to align with the European Union and the other with Russia. In March of 2014, the current crisis erupted when Russian special forces occupied Ukraine's Crimean Peninsula. Russia also invaded Eastern parts of Ukraine – Donetsk, and Luhansk. Between 2014-2019 a military conflict between Ukrainian soldiers and Russian-backed separatists continued and more than 13 000 people were killed. Throughout the time international actors made an effort to solve the conflict within Normandy format which involves four members – Russia, Ukraine, France, and Germany and in 2015 Minsk agreements have been signed. However, Ukraine-Russia war is still an ongoing conflict and it is problematic to forecast its ending. What is more, it is an internationalized conflict that involves not only opposing actors but third parties as well. For example, Lithuania. The third party's role is not a new topic within a field of conflict resolution. Earlier researches pose a question about actors' strategy, its efficiency, who could intervene in a conflict. Nevertheless, it does not discuss possible reasons for intervention, and it does not answer the question of why third parties get involved in a conflict. Although, numerous researches on third parties in post-soviet space has been made. It discusses why the European Union, Russia, and the United States of America intervened in post-soviet conflicts. The most common answer is that they were dividing their sphere of influence. Russia tries to recreate some kind of the Soviet Union while the United States and European Union declares bringing democracy, peace, and stability. Meanwhile, Lithuania's involvement is described as an entirely geopolitical decision. All the same, these researches discuss the only strategic level of the party's involvement in a conflict and it does not bring mezzo level arguments into consideration. Mezzo level narrative is important because it brings a new perspective into the light as well as possibly missed information while formulating macro-level narrative. Based on earlier researches and lacking mezzo level explanation for third party intervention this master's thesis poses a question why or for what reasons Lithuania intervene in a Ukraine-Russia war? It refers to the theoretical perspective suggested by Fen Osler Hampson and his possible explanation for the third force involved in a conflict. F. O. Hampson explains potential strategies and goals as a distinction between realism and liberalism. Considering the theoretical approach this thesis formulates a statement of defense that the governmental sector argues that Lithuania intervenes for governance-based reasons and nongovernmental representative argues that their intervention is based on the social-psychological approach. Given the complex nature of the topic under study, a case study based on semi-structured in-depth interviews and content analysis seemed most appropriate. 18 interviews were conducted in April of 2020 as well as 307 press releases from a period between 21st November 2013-31st December 2019 have been analyzed in this research. Participants for this research have been selected based on public information about their workplace. Some names have been removed from the thesis. The findings of this study showed that in this particular situation mezzo level narrative conforms to the macro narrative and one of the most important reasons for Lithuania's intervention is geopolitical means and its security and sovereignty. This thesis does not find differences between the governmental and non-governmental sectors. In short, the statement of defense is not correct. Overall, it could be said that this case study corresponds to the findings of its forerunners, but it also adds a mezzo level explanation to the discussion.
The Ukraine crisis better known as Maidan is a power struggle between factions within Ukraine. One of the factions wants to align with the European Union and the other with Russia. In March of 2014, the current crisis erupted when Russian special forces occupied Ukraine's Crimean Peninsula. Russia also invaded Eastern parts of Ukraine – Donetsk, and Luhansk. Between 2014-2019 a military conflict between Ukrainian soldiers and Russian-backed separatists continued and more than 13 000 people were killed. Throughout the time international actors made an effort to solve the conflict within Normandy format which involves four members – Russia, Ukraine, France, and Germany and in 2015 Minsk agreements have been signed. However, Ukraine-Russia war is still an ongoing conflict and it is problematic to forecast its ending. What is more, it is an internationalized conflict that involves not only opposing actors but third parties as well. For example, Lithuania. The third party's role is not a new topic within a field of conflict resolution. Earlier researches pose a question about actors' strategy, its efficiency, who could intervene in a conflict. Nevertheless, it does not discuss possible reasons for intervention, and it does not answer the question of why third parties get involved in a conflict. Although, numerous researches on third parties in post-soviet space has been made. It discusses why the European Union, Russia, and the United States of America intervened in post-soviet conflicts. The most common answer is that they were dividing their sphere of influence. Russia tries to recreate some kind of the Soviet Union while the United States and European Union declares bringing democracy, peace, and stability. Meanwhile, Lithuania's involvement is described as an entirely geopolitical decision. All the same, these researches discuss the only strategic level of the party's involvement in a conflict and it does not bring mezzo level arguments into consideration. Mezzo level narrative is important because it brings a new perspective into the light as well as possibly missed information while formulating macro-level narrative. Based on earlier researches and lacking mezzo level explanation for third party intervention this master's thesis poses a question why or for what reasons Lithuania intervene in a Ukraine-Russia war? It refers to the theoretical perspective suggested by Fen Osler Hampson and his possible explanation for the third force involved in a conflict. F. O. Hampson explains potential strategies and goals as a distinction between realism and liberalism. Considering the theoretical approach this thesis formulates a statement of defense that the governmental sector argues that Lithuania intervenes for governance-based reasons and nongovernmental representative argues that their intervention is based on the social-psychological approach. Given the complex nature of the topic under study, a case study based on semi-structured in-depth interviews and content analysis seemed most appropriate. 18 interviews were conducted in April of 2020 as well as 307 press releases from a period between 21st November 2013-31st December 2019 have been analyzed in this research. Participants for this research have been selected based on public information about their workplace. Some names have been removed from the thesis. The findings of this study showed that in this particular situation mezzo level narrative conforms to the macro narrative and one of the most important reasons for Lithuania's intervention is geopolitical means and its security and sovereignty. This thesis does not find differences between the governmental and non-governmental sectors. In short, the statement of defense is not correct. Overall, it could be said that this case study corresponds to the findings of its forerunners, but it also adds a mezzo level explanation to the discussion.
The Ukraine crisis better known as Maidan is a power struggle between factions within Ukraine. One of the factions wants to align with the European Union and the other with Russia. In March of 2014, the current crisis erupted when Russian special forces occupied Ukraine's Crimean Peninsula. Russia also invaded Eastern parts of Ukraine – Donetsk, and Luhansk. Between 2014-2019 a military conflict between Ukrainian soldiers and Russian-backed separatists continued and more than 13 000 people were killed. Throughout the time international actors made an effort to solve the conflict within Normandy format which involves four members – Russia, Ukraine, France, and Germany and in 2015 Minsk agreements have been signed. However, Ukraine-Russia war is still an ongoing conflict and it is problematic to forecast its ending. What is more, it is an internationalized conflict that involves not only opposing actors but third parties as well. For example, Lithuania. The third party's role is not a new topic within a field of conflict resolution. Earlier researches pose a question about actors' strategy, its efficiency, who could intervene in a conflict. Nevertheless, it does not discuss possible reasons for intervention, and it does not answer the question of why third parties get involved in a conflict. Although, numerous researches on third parties in post-soviet space has been made. It discusses why the European Union, Russia, and the United States of America intervened in post-soviet conflicts. The most common answer is that they were dividing their sphere of influence. Russia tries to recreate some kind of the Soviet Union while the United States and European Union declares bringing democracy, peace, and stability. Meanwhile, Lithuania's involvement is described as an entirely geopolitical decision. All the same, these researches discuss the only strategic level of the party's involvement in a conflict and it does not bring mezzo level arguments into consideration. Mezzo level narrative is important because it brings a new perspective into the light as well as possibly missed information while formulating macro-level narrative. Based on earlier researches and lacking mezzo level explanation for third party intervention this master's thesis poses a question why or for what reasons Lithuania intervene in a Ukraine-Russia war? It refers to the theoretical perspective suggested by Fen Osler Hampson and his possible explanation for the third force involved in a conflict. F. O. Hampson explains potential strategies and goals as a distinction between realism and liberalism. Considering the theoretical approach this thesis formulates a statement of defense that the governmental sector argues that Lithuania intervenes for governance-based reasons and nongovernmental representative argues that their intervention is based on the social-psychological approach. Given the complex nature of the topic under study, a case study based on semi-structured in-depth interviews and content analysis seemed most appropriate. 18 interviews were conducted in April of 2020 as well as 307 press releases from a period between 21st November 2013-31st December 2019 have been analyzed in this research. Participants for this research have been selected based on public information about their workplace. Some names have been removed from the thesis. The findings of this study showed that in this particular situation mezzo level narrative conforms to the macro narrative and one of the most important reasons for Lithuania's intervention is geopolitical means and its security and sovereignty. This thesis does not find differences between the governmental and non-governmental sectors. In short, the statement of defense is not correct. Overall, it could be said that this case study corresponds to the findings of its forerunners, but it also adds a mezzo level explanation to the discussion.
The Ukraine crisis better known as Maidan is a power struggle between factions within Ukraine. One of the factions wants to align with the European Union and the other with Russia. In March of 2014, the current crisis erupted when Russian special forces occupied Ukraine's Crimean Peninsula. Russia also invaded Eastern parts of Ukraine – Donetsk, and Luhansk. Between 2014-2019 a military conflict between Ukrainian soldiers and Russian-backed separatists continued and more than 13 000 people were killed. Throughout the time international actors made an effort to solve the conflict within Normandy format which involves four members – Russia, Ukraine, France, and Germany and in 2015 Minsk agreements have been signed. However, Ukraine-Russia war is still an ongoing conflict and it is problematic to forecast its ending. What is more, it is an internationalized conflict that involves not only opposing actors but third parties as well. For example, Lithuania. The third party's role is not a new topic within a field of conflict resolution. Earlier researches pose a question about actors' strategy, its efficiency, who could intervene in a conflict. Nevertheless, it does not discuss possible reasons for intervention, and it does not answer the question of why third parties get involved in a conflict. Although, numerous researches on third parties in post-soviet space has been made. It discusses why the European Union, Russia, and the United States of America intervened in post-soviet conflicts. The most common answer is that they were dividing their sphere of influence. Russia tries to recreate some kind of the Soviet Union while the United States and European Union declares bringing democracy, peace, and stability. Meanwhile, Lithuania's involvement is described as an entirely geopolitical decision. All the same, these researches discuss the only strategic level of the party's involvement in a conflict and it does not bring mezzo level arguments into consideration. Mezzo level narrative is important because it brings a new perspective into the light as well as possibly missed information while formulating macro-level narrative. Based on earlier researches and lacking mezzo level explanation for third party intervention this master's thesis poses a question why or for what reasons Lithuania intervene in a Ukraine-Russia war? It refers to the theoretical perspective suggested by Fen Osler Hampson and his possible explanation for the third force involved in a conflict. F. O. Hampson explains potential strategies and goals as a distinction between realism and liberalism. Considering the theoretical approach this thesis formulates a statement of defense that the governmental sector argues that Lithuania intervenes for governance-based reasons and nongovernmental representative argues that their intervention is based on the social-psychological approach. Given the complex nature of the topic under study, a case study based on semi-structured in-depth interviews and content analysis seemed most appropriate. 18 interviews were conducted in April of 2020 as well as 307 press releases from a period between 21st November 2013-31st December 2019 have been analyzed in this research. Participants for this research have been selected based on public information about their workplace. Some names have been removed from the thesis. The findings of this study showed that in this particular situation mezzo level narrative conforms to the macro narrative and one of the most important reasons for Lithuania's intervention is geopolitical means and its security and sovereignty. This thesis does not find differences between the governmental and non-governmental sectors. In short, the statement of defense is not correct. Overall, it could be said that this case study corresponds to the findings of its forerunners, but it also adds a mezzo level explanation to the discussion.