Suchergebnisse

Dottorato di ricerca in Storia d'Europa: società, istituzioni e sistemi politici europei,19.-20. secolo ; Per comprendere appieno come sia nata la proposta francese di una Comunità Europea di Difesa (CED) rivolta ai paesi dell'Europa occidentale, è necessario ricostruire il quadro storico alla fine della seconda guerra mondiale, con particolare riferimento ai rapporti tra le potenze alleate e al nuovo assetto territoriale della Germania. Il primo capitolo analizza le decisioni del secondo dopoguerra (a partire dall'accordo franco-sovietico di Mosca del dicembre 1944 in funzione anti-tedesca) tese a garantire la demilitarizzazione tedesca fino al mutamento strategico conseguente alla contrapposizione tra il blocco occidentale e l'Unione sovietica: lo scopo centrale di questa parte del testo è di analizzarne il punto di svolta, con l'inversione dell'atteggiamento alleato nei riguardi della Germania sconfitta. L'intera ricerca si poggia su un'analisi di tipo storiografico, sia di storia delle istituzioni che delle relazioni internazionali, che vuole mettere alla prova comparata delle fonti d'archivio americane e francesi (con particolare riferimento ai fondi transalpini solo ora disponibili alla consultazione, a 60 anni dalla conclusione della vicenda CED) le principali tesi prodotte dalla letteratura sul riarmo della Germania e sull'esercito europeo. Si descrive quindi il processo decisionale che autorizzò, da parte degli Stati Uniti, della Francia e della Gran Bretagna durante la Conferenza di Londra, l'utilizzo delle risorse economiche e industriali della Germania occidentale occupata per il consolidamento dello sforzo difensivo atlantico; attraverso l'esame di fonti primarie transalpine è stata inoltre analizzata la percezione, da parte francese, del contrasto in atto tra i due dicasteri americani degli Esteri e della Difesa in merito al possibile concorso tedesco alle forze di difesa, con le proposte che filtravano dall'alto commissario statunitense Mc Cloy e dal suo staff. Le proposte lanciate dalla tribuna dell'Assemblea consultiva del Consiglio d'Europa, prima da Bidault e poi da Churchill in merito alla necessità di creare un esercito europeo, mettevano quindi in luce un cambiamento decisivo negli obiettivi strategici delle potenze occidentali: fino allo scoppio della guerra di Corea la preoccupazione maggiore nello scacchiere europeo era d'impedire che la Germania potesse riguadagnare uno status tale da minacciare la pace nel mondo; dopo l'apertura delle ostilità nel lontano continente asiatico, l'attenzione dei governi 2 dell'alleanza atlantica si era focalizzata sulle modalità per accrescere l'apparato difensivo atlantico nell'Europa continentale, per far fronte alla minaccia sovietica. Alcuni Stati, come la Francia e gli altri paesi occidentali che avevano subito in passato le invasioni delle armate tedesche, continuavano però a percepire come maggiormente attuale il pericolo di una rinascita della potenza militare ed economica della Germania, se pur divisa: queste le due visioni destinate a determinare un confronto molto aspro tra i principali alleati atlantici durante l'estate e l'autunno del 1950, che portò alla formulazione di due distinti e contrapposti piani di riarmo della Germania Occidentale. Nel secondo e nel terzo capitolo si descrivono conseguentemente, anche mediante una revisione completa e approfondita della letteratura scientifica al riguardo, i due distinti piani di riarmo, successivi cronologicamente e legati da un rapporto di causa ed effetto: l'evoluzione della posizione dell'amministrazione Truman, a partire dalle due diverse proposte del Pentagono e della Segreteria di Stato sulla politica nei confronti della Germania, per arrivare poi alla decisione finale di presentare un piano denominato "one package" agli alleati francesi e inglesi a New York il 12 settembre 1950; questa proposta del segretario di Stato Acheson ebbe come conseguenza un periodo di profonda riflessione nell'esecutivo francese, che portò alla formulazione del "piano Pleven" per la creazione di un esercito europeo. L'obiettivo di questi due capitoli centrali è quindi di mostrare prima come le mutate condizioni strategiche avessero condotto l'amministrazione Truman a chiedere agli alleati atlantici un poderoso rafforzamento del dispositivo militare in Europa che comprendesse anche forze militari tedesche e poi evidenziare che solo in reazione a questo piano americano, non quindi per un'autonoma volontà politica, il governo francese avesse elaborato una contro-proposta, che sarebbe stata la base da cui elaborare l'esercito europeo e la sovrastruttura istituzionale destinata a garantirne il funzionamento, la Comunità europea di Difesa. Il quarto e ultimo capitolo è dedicato interamente alla ricostruzione delle trattative diplomatiche che portarono alla firma del trattato CED, mediante il confronto sistematico dei principali fondi francesi e americani: partendo dall'analisi dei rigurgiti isolazionisti negli USA, si descrivono prima i lavori della Conferenza di Parigi con la stesura del Rapport Intérimaire e poi le attività della Conferenza per l'organizzazione di una Comunità europea di Difesa fino alla firma del trattato CED del 27 maggio 1952; la stesura del capitolo rende conto anche dell'importanza di alcune figure fondamentali (come i diplomatici McCloy e Bruce o come Eisenhower, nella duplice veste di Comandante supremo atlantico e poi di presidente) o di alcuni snodi determinanti, come la svolta federalista della delegazione italiana alla Conferenza. 3 Questo lavoro di ricerca sulla Comunità europea di Difesa vuole quindi ripercorrere una vicenda fondamentale per la nascita delle istituzioni europee, dalle sue origini radicate al termine del secondo conflitto mondiale e fino alla firma del trattato di Parigi, che sembra di profonda attualità nell'attuale dibattito sulla cessione di sovranità dagli Stati nazionali all'Unione europea, nel campo della Difesa e della politica estera. Il confronto tra i fondi americani e francesi, in particolare quelli di recente apertura alla consultazione dei ricercatori, ha permesso di aggiungere alcuni elementi di originalità alla descrizione del processo di riarmo della Germania e delle trattative tra gli alleati per la nascita dell'esercito europeo. ; The Second World War ended with an onerous legacy for the European Continent: the conflict has brought damage, poverty and the spectre of a new fight between Western countries and the Soviet Union. In that period, the USSR maintained the mobilization of the Armed Forces while the Russian soldiers were settled in Germany. This opposition has divided post-war Europe into two different blocs or coalitions: on the one hand Western Europe countries, which were starting a difficult recovery assisted by American aid, and on the other hand Eastern Europe under Soviet hegemony. In this complex scenario, the German role became increasingly central. Within this historical background, the first important attempt to build a European policy was focused on common defence, through the Treaty instituting the European Defence Community (EDC). In the light of this premise, the EDC affair seems paradigmatic for the analysis of the European dawn: on one side the founding fathers have looked for a solution to the divisions in the continent, but on the other side national self-interests have affected the path for ratifying the EDC Treaty, till the French refusal to ratify, by the French Assembly on 1954, August 30th. The aim of my Doctoral Research Thesis is divided in four different chapters: - in the first one, the object is related to the study and the description of the German role in post-war Europe and its rearmament, from the end of WWII to the mid 1950s, when the United States urged Western allies to use the German industrial and military potential; - secondly, the American proposal called 'one package', presented by Acheson on September 1950, is illustrated with regard to the existing international literature and primary sources; 2 - the third chapter deals with the French proposal to control German rearmament, the 'Pleven Plan', and the Petersberg talks; - finally, the agenda and the deliberations of the Paris Conference regarding the EDC, which started the 15th February 1951 up to 27th May 1952, when the EDC Treaty was signed. I am also researching an original aspect in my thesis, with regard to the state of the art in EDC studies: a synchronic comparison of EDC events in France and the USA based on the original documents preserved in different Archives in the United States and in France: in the recent past, 60 years after the "defeat" of the EDC, other primary sources were declassified, mostly in Paris. The research has focused on the studies that put this issue in the perspective of historiography. Several French works about the EDC could be cited, such as the texts by Clesse A.(Le projet de C.E.D. du Plan Pleven au "crime du 30 août. Histoire d'un malentendu européen, 1989), by Aron R., Lerner D. eds. (La querelle de la C.E.D. essais d'analyse sociologique, 1956), by Moch J. (Histoire du réarmement allemand depuis 1950, 1965), by Fabre-Luce A. (Lettre sur la CED, 1954) and the essays by Vial P. (Redécouvrir la CED, 1992), by Poidevin R. (La France devant le problème de la CED: incidences nationales et internationales - été 1951 à été 1953, 1983), by Guillen P. (Les chefs militaires français, le réarmement de l'Allemagne et la CED 1950-1954, 1983), by Vaïsse M. (Le général de Gaulle et la défense de l'Europe, 1947-1958, 1992), by Rioux J. P. (L'opinion publique française et la CED: querelle partisane ou bataille de la mémoire?, 1994). With regard to Italian works, studies which stand out for their significance are the studies by Preda D. (Storia di una speranza: la battaglia per la CED e la Federazione europea nelle carte della Delegazione italiana 1950-1952, 1990), by Preda D. (Sulla soglia dell'Unione: la vicenda della Comunità Politica Europea 1952-1954, 1994), by Ballini P. L. ed. (La Comunità Europea di Difesa (CED), 2009), by Bertozzi S. (La Comunità Europea di Difesa. Profili storici, istituzionali e giuridici, 2003), by Caviglia D., Gionfrida A. (Un'occasione da perdere. Le Forze Armate italiane e la Comunità Europea di Difesa 1950-54, 2009). Finally, a series of American and British studies concerning the European Defence Community and the "German question" were appraised, such as the works by Fursdon E. (The European Defence Community: a history, 1980), by Ruane K. (The Rise and Fall of the European Defence Community, Anglo-American Relations and the crisis of European Defence 1950-55, 2000), by Lundestad G. (Empire by integration: The U.S. and European Integration, 1945-1997, 1998) by Armitage D. T. jr. (A comparative analysis of U.S. policy toward European defense autonomy. Enduring 3 Dilemmas in Transatlantic Relations, 2008), by Risso L. (Divided we stand: the French and Italian political parties and the rearmament of West Germany 1949-1955, 2007), by Hunter R. E. (The European Security and Defence Policy, NATO's Companion – or Competitor?, 2002), by Hitchcock, W. I. (France restored: Cold War diplomacy and the quest for leadership in Europe, 1944-1954, 1998), by McAllister, J. (No Exit: America and the German problem, 1943-1954, 2002). With regards to the methodology, the research has been conducted following the comparative approach as described by Bloch M. (Pour une histoire comparée des sociétés européennes, 1923), by Braudel F. (Civiltà e imperi del Mediterraneo nell'età di Filippo II, 1976), by Haupt H. G. (European History as Comparative History, 2004 and Comparative History – a Contested Method, 2007).

La crisi economica che sta attraversando il nostro paese, la depressione che ha colpito il settore immobiliare e le difficoltà sempre maggiori di accesso al credito bancario hanno incentivato la "creazione di modelli negoziali funzionali alla trasmissione di diritti "ambigui", a cavallo tra realità e obbligatorietà". Correlativamente, il meccanismo derivativo della trasmissione del potere dominicale, tipico della compravendita disegnata dal legislatore del '42, rappresenta solo una delle possibili articolazioni del negozio non più monolitico e uniforme, ma che si presenta sempre più articolato e flessibile. Nel presente elaborato, ci si propone di analizzare le "nuove" formule di contrattazione immobiliare caratterizzate da uno iato temporale tra il godimento e il possesso del bene. L'obiettivo della ricerca è dunque quello di comprendere se non possa più considerarsi attuale lo stereotipo proprietario del diritto di godere e di disporre, e se ci si trovi difronte a una nuova forma di articolazione tra titolarità, appartenenza e legittimazione rispetto ai beni immobili. La trattazione viene condotta attraverso un'analisi delle diverse forme contrattuali delineatasi negli ultimi anni, e nello specifico dei "contratti di godimento in funzione della successiva alienazione d'immobili" di cui alla legge 11 Novembre 2014, n. 164 ; del "contratto di locazione finanziaria finalizzato all'acquisto di beni immobili da adibire ad abitazione principale" introdotto dalla legge 28.12.2015 n.208, e infine delle configurazioni che nella prassi ha assunto la contrattazione immobiliare per il rilancio del settore immobiliare (rent to buy, help to buy e buy to rent oggetto del terzo capitolo). Lo scopo è quello di contribuire alla riflessione sulle molteplici configurazioni che la contrattazione immobiliare può assumere per agevolare l'incontro tra domanda ed offerta in tempi di crisi. ; The economic crisis that is going through our country, the depression that has hit the real estate sector and the increasing difficulties of access to bank credit have encouraged the "creation of negotiation models functional to the transmission of" ambiguous "rights, between realities and compulsory. " Correlatively, the derivative mechanism of the transmission of dominican power, typical of the sale drawn up by the legislator of '42, represents only one of the possible articulations of the store that is no longer monolithic and uniform, but which presents itself increasingly articulated and flexible. In this paper, we propose to analyze the "new" formulas of real estate contracts characterized by a temporal hiatus between the enjoyment and possession of the asset. The aim of the research is therefore to understand if the stereotype owner of the right to enjoy and dispose can no longer be considered current, and if we are facing a new form of asset within ownership and legitimacy of real estate,. The discussion is conducted through an analysis of the various forms of contracts that have taken place in recent years, and specifically the "enjoyment contracts according to the subsequent sale of properties" pursuant to Law 11 November 2014, No. 164, of the " financial lease for the purchase of real estate to be used as a main residence "introduced by law 28.12.2015 n.208, and finally of the configurations that in practice has taken over real estate contracting for the relaunch of the real estate sector (rent to buy, help to buy and buy to rent, object of the third chapter). The aim is to contribute to the reflection on the multiple configurations that real estate contracting can take to facilitate the meeting between supply and demand in times of crisis.

La tesi analizza il mutamento in atto nelle fonti del diritto del lavoro, attraverso uno studio dei casi di rinvio dalla legge al contratto collettivo. Nella Parte I della tesi è affrontato il tema dei rapporti tra legge e contratto collettivo. In una prospettiva statica, i rapporti tra legge e contratto collettivo sono caratterizzati dall'operare dei principii di gerarchia e del favor: la legge prevede il trattamento minimo di tutela e il contratto collettivo può modificare tale trattamento in senso più favorevole al lavoratore. In una prospettiva dinamica, i rapporti tra legge e contratto collettivo sono più complessi: nell'ordinamento italiano, infatti, la disciplina del rapporto e del mercato del lavoro è caratterizzata da una valorizzazione degli apporti dell'autonomia collettiva. In particolare, il contratto collettivo è destinatario di una serie di rinvii, che lo autorizzano a completare la disciplina legale e a modificarla anche in senso meno favorevole al lavoratore, al fine di creare un mercato del lavoro maggiormente dinamico. Nella Parte II della tesi l'analisi si concentra sull'art. 8 della l. n. 148/2011. Tale disposizione è stata introdotta durante la crisi economico-finanziaria che ha colpito l'Italia tra il 2011 e il 2012, a seguito di trattative tra il Governo italiano e le istituzioni dell'UE, al fine di attribuire alle imprese uno strumento per incrementare la loro competitività e produttività. L'art. 8 autorizza il contratto collettivo a derogare in peius alla legge con riferimento a un arco tematico di materie e istituti che comprende l'intero profilo della disciplina del rapporto di lavoro, con alcune eccezioni. L'art. 8 rappresenta il punto di arrivo di una lunga evoluzione legislativa e consente di mettere in discussione la ricostruzione tradizionale dei rapporti tra legge e contratto collettivo basata sui principii di gerarchia e di favore. ; The thesis seeks to analyse the change taking place in the sources of labour law, by examining the close relationship between statutory law and collective bargaining. Part I deals with the relationship between these two important sources of labour law. On the one hand, from a static perspective, the relationship between law and collective bargaining is characterised by the principle of hierarchy and the so-called principle of favor: while statutory law provides the minimum framework of protection, collective bargaining can only add to it, in a view of favouring the employee. On the other hand, from a dynamic perspective, the relationship between law and collective bargaining is more complex. In fact, for a long time the Italian legal framework regarding the employment relationship and the job market has been highlighting the importance of collective bargaining. Specifically, several provisions allow collective bargaining to either integrate or modify the legal discipline to the detriment of the worker, aiming at generating a more flexible labour market. Part II of the thesis seeks to shed light on the scope of Article 8 of the Italian Law n. 148/2011. Article 8 was enacted during the financial crisis that affected Italy in 2011-2012, as a result of the negotiations between the Italian Government and the EU institutions, with a view to support the economic recovery and the companies' increase of productivity. Art. 8 allows collective bargaining to derogate to statutory law with respect to the legal protection granted to the worker to the detriment of the latter, in a range of issues nearly encompassing the whole employment relationship's legal regime, with only few exceptions. It represents the point of arrival of a long legislative evolution and it results in a reversal of the traditional framework of the relationship between statutory law and collective bargaining.

The main contemporary crisis situations concern ecology, public health, markets, technology and war. They now manifest themselves not simply as sectoral crisis (of the economy, finance, environment, and so on), but as complex humanitarian emergencies. This volume examines these issues from the perspective of two theoretical categories: that of tragic choices (which escape the negotiation logic of the more-or-less, tending to the violent logic of all-or-nothing) and that of global collective action (which aims to build or safeguard non-excludable goods that cross borders and generations). The goal is to make the reader think about the multiple but complementary ways in which these emergencies can be faced "by transforming the terms of the tragic choices and encouraging the emergence of global collective actions".

The recent Report on the comprehensive economic policy response to the COVID-19 pandemic, opened a debate on the solutions to be taken to deal of the economic crisis caused by the global health emergency. Therefore, a specific "package of proposals" was agreed following the lengthy negotiation at the Eurogroup, of the 9 10 th of April, based on a strong European financial plan to support workers and businesses, that includes the provision of aids in accordance with a sustainable economic financial, health and social recovery. The Eur opean response of the "package" provides for flexible use of the ESM to "support the financing of direct and indirect health care as well as the costs of treatment and prevention due to the crisis caused by COVID 19". In a spirit of solidarity, it seems re alistic to hope, in view of the next summit, that the European Council will assess the adequacy of the European bonds and of the conditionalities of the ESM, which must not undermine national sovereignty. ; The recent Report on the comprehensive economic policy response to the COVID-19 pandemic, opened a debate on the solutions to be taken to deal of the economic crisis caused by the global health emergency. Therefore, a specific "package of proposals" was agreed following the lengthy negotiation at the Eurogroup, of the 9 10 th of April, based on a strong European financial plan to support workers and businesses, that includes the provision of aids in accordance with a sustainable economic financial, health and social recovery. The European response of the "package" provides for flexible use of the ESM to "support the financing of direct and indirect health care as well as the costs of treatment and prevention due to the crisis caused by COVID 19". In a spirit of solidarity, it seems re alistic to hope, in view of the next summit, that the European Council will assess the adequacy of the European bonds and of the conditionalities of the ESM, which must not undermine national sovereignty.

The volume collects the reports that were presented at the conference held in Turin on 3 March 2017, entitled "Separate yourself and divorce without a judge?" The aim of the conference was to offer a reflection on the reforms that have affected family law in recent years: the introduction of attorney-assisted negotiation on separation and divorce and the possibility of separating and divorcing, even without assistance of a lawyer, through an agreement reached before the mayor as a registrar; the development of the institution of family mediation; the approval of the c.d. "Short divorce"; the discipline of civil unions and cohabitation. The conference wanted to observe the consequences that these reforms are determining on the resolution of the crisis of the marital relationship and on the roles and the functions performed by the operators of the sector, first of all the judges and the lawyers, in particular examining the meaning of the separation and the divorce reached through a process, but through a negotiation between the parties. The Italian evolution of family law is certainly not isolated, but is part of a framework present in numerous other systems. The conference has therefore widened the angle of investigation to the experiences of other European countries, with attention to the supranational perspective of the European Union.

This article analyses the most important innovations concerning public employment introduced in Italy during the '90s. It distinguishes different timings to administrative reforms: "the first cycle" (1992/1997) & "the second cycle" (1997/2001). Both of them are oriented to control public expenditure & to compensate -- by the complete bargaining of public service terms -- trade unions of public sector for the cuttings produced, & to reform top civil servants. On this aspect, the article shows how neo-corporative practices substituted parliamentary practices. Cooperation & negotiations between the central government & interest groups (especially trade unions) led to social agreements which became the basis of public employment reform. However, administrative reforms in Italy have been also the result of both external & domestic pressures: on the one hand, the financial constraints produced by the process of European integration (Maastricht Treaty), to which the Italian government had to adjust; on the other hand, the deep crisis of the Italian political system. The fall of party government led to more direct relations between executive & interest groups & to practices of majoritarian politics which pushed for innovative reforms. Tables, References. Adapted from the source document.

In the European Union, negotiations on the financial perspectives and the determination of the Union's own resources focus mainly on the amount of the individual states' contributions, and much less on the Union's fiscal competence. This weakens the Union's ability to conduct ambitious long-term policies, potentially mortgaging its very raison d'être. Recent developments related to the COVID-19 crisis (and beyond) seem to open a window for future changes. The European tax is an issue that provokes a wide debate at both the European and national levels, and not only of a political nature, between sovereignists and federalists, but also on the technical-legal-constitutional modalities that such a change would imply. For this reason, it is useful to present a structured analysis first of the financial instruments assigned to the EU, then of a reform of own resources and, finally, of the possibility of envisaging the birth of a European tax, albeit with an awareness of the limits of such a reform with regard to the current constitutional set-up of the European Union. Consequently, it will also be necessary to ask what kind of tax would be appropriate for this purpose.

During the period immediately after World War II, planning in North America and Europe followed highly centralized, top-down, command-and-control approaches that were based on the rational-comprehensive model of planning, which implies an all-knowing, all-powerful government. Part and parcel of this approach was the government's control of development land and its value. Beginning in the 1970s, as the precepts of an all-knowing, interventionist state clashed with the reality of uncontrollable global forces driven by multinationals and international finance, it became clear that planning had become a market-driven process, a "servant of the market", and that inflexible, detailed plans would not work in most real-life situations. Consequently, such plans were either ignored or overridden. This crisis of planning spurred a search for alternatives based on public-private partnerships, negotiation, and flexibility including ways to transfer increased land values to the public trough the development process. This approach is generally known as Land Value Recapture (LVR). This paper presents an example of LVR in the US, a rather unique example in the US. It concludes by suggesting that the belief that the increase in land values is not the result of the landowner's activities, and are therefore "unearned" and should be recaptured for the public benefit, is not part of the American planning culture. LVR, then, might have a hard time supplanting other market-based regulatory strategies that are voluntary for developers and less restrictive of property rights for the landowner.DOI: http://dx.medra.org/10.19254/LaborEst.09.11

The pastoral groups of Karamoja (Uganda) got automatic weapons in the late 70s and since then on, the structural intra- and interethnic conflict in the area has progressively become wilder and wilder, and has been interweaving an ever-growing acute economic, ecological and humanitarian crisis. The international community is working since decades with the aim of promoting development and peace. The place of the conflict, both real and virtual, is twofold. On the one hand, it may be identified with the production theatre (pasture and agricultural lands, herds) marked by historical feuds and periodic clashes between the Karimojong warriors and the Ugandan armed forces; on the other, the virtual negotiation table around which local, national and international institutions play their interests for promoting development and peace projects. The author, comparing his fieldwork carried out in the years 1997-2001 with the most recent literature, critically analyzes the cooperation practices and the conflict-resolution policies in the area. ; Dalla fine degli anni Settanta del XX secolo, i gruppi pastorali della Karamoja (Uganda) sono entrati in possesso di armi automatiche (kalashnikov). Da allora, la strutturale conflittualità intra- ed interetnica nell'area ha assunto caratteri di particolare ferocia e si è progressivamente intrecciata con una crisi economica, ecologica ed umanitaria sempre più acuta. La comunità internazionale si adopera da decenni sia per promuovere lo sviluppo economico e sociale, sia per favorire la pace. Il luogo del conflitto è duplice: da un lato, il teatro economico-produttivo (pascoli, mandrie, aree agricole) segnato da faide storiche e da scontri ciclici tra i guerrieri Karimojong e le forze armate ugandesi; dall'altro, il tavolo di negoziazione intorno a cui ruotano le istituzioni locali, nazionali e straniere con i loro interessi di promozione e gestione di progetti di sviluppo e di pace. L'autore, confrontando la sua esperienza sul campo condotta nel periodo 1997-2001 con la letteratura antropologica e politologica più recente, analizza criticamente le pratiche di cooperazione allo sviluppo e le politiche di conflict-resolution nell'area.

The relationship between university and political and social institutions in Sicily has undergone a deep transformation since the end of the '80s. Before that period, university, as a teaching and research structure, was deeply linked with political institutions dealing with the management and preservation of cultural heritage; these institutions, on the other hand, offered the main chances of employment for graduates in humanities and archaeology. After that period, university and politic have undertaken instead, completely different ways, especially in the field of cultural heritage, due to a different economic context and a wider ideological change. The role of the university as a place of elaboration of ideas and place of discussion has been reconsidered, the role of humanities, and classics, as a fundamental part of elite education has been subject to criticism, and the idea has been widely accepted that higher educational institutions must focus on professional training, and must be evaluated according to the "success" of their students and the degree. A similar change can be detected in the field of material cultural patrimony, now considered mainly an "economic" resource. The shift from the purely ethic or aesthetic evaluation to an "economic" evaluation based on "outputs", "results", "economic sustainability" has brought to deep crisis of identity in the field of upper education and in the role of public administration against private enterprise. If the management of a site or a museum is a purely economic activity, there is no special need for the director to be a specialist in the field, however, if there is no need of specialists, those institutions dealing with the training of those specialists are meant to failure. In the case of Sicily, this process is still more visible, and its effects more devastating, due to the special social, economic, and not least, political situation of the island. Private enterprise is almost lacking, so that the main chances of employment for young graduates in archaeology is public administration. But the framework within which the Regione Siciliana has worked in the last 20 years, has gone the opposite way: through a series of regulations, has the formation of a bureaucratic apparatus been codified where the role of archaeologists has become more and more less important. Moreover, negotiations between politicians and unions has brought to a codification which takes into account current aspirations and needs of currently employed staff and takes into no consideration a long term strategy aiming at the future development. The professional role of the archaeologist, e.g., notwithstanding the attempt of the 2008 regulation, has not been defined, while it is now foreseen by a recently approved national law (so called Legge Madia.) Due to this choice, the perspectives of working possibilities are very few, in both the private sector and realm of public administration, not to mention university: as an effect, a decrease in the number of students enrolling in the courses of archaeology is clear in the last two years, with a consequent evaluation of the same courses and more limited opportunities os fund raising. If this process will continue, the teaching quality will be affected and Sicilian universities will become more and more less appealing in comparison to their relationship with society, and in this special case, of Sicilian society, but also should recapture their role of critical thinking, not limiting themselves to the function of professional trainers. Of the institutions, which should understand the enormous importance of archaeological heritage in Sicily and try to reconnect themselves with university teaching, in order to The relationship between university and political and social institutions in Sicily has undergone a deep transformation since the end of the '80s. Before that period, university, as a teaching and research structure, was deeply linked with political institutions dealing with the management and preservation of cultural heritage; these institutions, on the other hand, offered the main chances of employment for graduates in humanities and archaeology. After that period, university and politic have undertaken instead, completely different ways, especially in the field of cultural heritage, due to a different economic context and a wider ideological change. The role of the university as a place of elaboration of ideas and place of discussion has been reconsidered, the role of humanities, and classics, as a fundamental part of elite education has been subject to criticism, and the idea has been widely accepted that higher educational institutions must focus on professional training, and must be evaluated according to the "success" of their students and the degree. A similar change can be detected in the field of material cultural patrimony, now considered mainly an "economic" resource. The shift from the purely ethic or aesthetic evaluation to an "economic" evaluation based on "outputs", "results", "economic sustainability" has brought to deep crisis of identity in the field of upper education and in the role of public administration against private enterprise. If the management of a site or a museum is a purely economic activity, there is no special need for the director to be a specialist in the field, however, if there is no need of specialists, those institutions dealing with the training of those specialists are meant to failure. In the case of Sicily, this process is still more visible, and its effects more devastating, due to the special social, economic, and not least, political situation of the island. Private enterprise is almost lacking, so that the main chances of employment for young graduates in archaeology is public administration. But the framework within which the Regione Siciliana has worked in the last 20 years, has gone the opposite way: through a series of regulations, has the formation of a bureaucratic apparatus been codified where the role of archaeologists has become more and more less important. Moreover, negotiations between politicians and unions has brought to a codification which takes into account current aspirations and needs of currently employed staff and takes into no consideration a long term strategy aiming at the future development. The professional role of the archaeologist, e.g., notwithstanding the attempt of the 2008 regulation, has not been defined, while it is now foreseen by a recently approved national law (so called Legge Madia.) Due to this choice, the perspectives of working possibilities are very few, in both the private sector and realm of public administration, not to mention university: as an effect, a decrease in the number of students enrolling in the courses of archaeology is clear in the last two years, with a consequent evaluation of the same courses and more limited opportunities os fund raising. If this process will continue, the teaching quality will be affected and Sicilian universities will become more and more less appealing in comparison to their relationship with society, and in this special case, of Sicilian society, but also should recapture their role of critical thinking, not limiting themselves to the function of professional trainers. Of the institutions, which should understand the enormous importance of archaeological heritage in Sicily and try to reconnect themselves with university teaching, in order to create a real sustainable development for the younger generation of archaeologists working in Sicily.