Suchergebnisse

"Negotiation in the Law Enforcement Context" published on by Oxford University Press.

Even in late 1956, dissatisfaction with the US had clearly revived the idea of European integration, & in Jan 1957, the French held a parliamentary debate to promote support of negotiations for a European common market (the European Economic Community [EEC]). During the debate, a leftist deputy suggested that the strong foreign policies of US President (General) Dwight D. Eisenhower constituted good reason for such a plan, especially in light of Europe's obvious weakness in world power demonstrated by the Suez Canal crisis. Further, there was also a proposal for a Free Trade Area that would include all members of the Organization for European Economic Cooperation (OEEC). The establishment of a European common market is perhaps the most celebrated event in post-WWII European history. Understanding it is essential to understanding the character of European integration & its impact on global politics. This paper analyzes the politics of European trading & monetary arrangements, considers the role of geopolitical considerations in driving the integration process even before the Suez crisis, & retraces the French & German decisions to establish the common market in the second half of 1956. While the Suez crisis may have brought the issue to a head, key decisions were based on long-term policy goals determined during this timeframe. J. Stanton

Explores how nation-states handle the unpredictability surrounding water availability & flow while negotiating water treaties. At issue is whether states adopt available mechanisms to address climate uncertainty while negotiating new water regimes & whether & how these regimes evolve during crisis events to contend with climate risk, especially in light of new local & regional water organizations. An examination of the negotiation process of three water treaties reveals that nations typically eschew risk management mechanisms because these mechanisms often shift the balance of power & undermine the sustainability of the resource regulatory regime. These case studies in water flow management are the lower Rio Grande drought & the 1944 Mexico-US treaty; the 1961-1964 drought along the Great Lakes & the 1909 Canadian-US treaty; & 1997-1999 water shortage in the Jordan Basin & the 1994 Jordanian-Israeli peace treaty. The most important of these excluded/neglected mechanisms are drought mitigation measures. The ramifications of not adopting these mitigation measures are assessed through a look at the performance of these treaties & how they evolved during drought conditions. In this context, considered are hybrid cooperative mechanisms to address regional climate risk that also accommodate the requirement of the nation-state to maintain its hegemony over transnational institutions & secure a long-standing water regime. Attention is also given to how local & regional initiatives are overcoming state inadequacies in grappling with climate risk. Tables, Figures, References. D. Edelman

Explores how nation-states handle the unpredictability surrounding water availability & flow while negotiating water treaties. At issue is whether states adopt available mechanisms to address climate uncertainty while negotiating new water regimes & whether & how these regimes evolve during crisis events to contend with climate risk, especially in light of new local & regional water organizations. An examination of the negotiation process of three water treaties reveals that nations typically eschew risk management mechanisms because these mechanisms often shift the balance of power & undermine the sustainability of the resource regulatory regime. These case studies in water flow management are the lower Rio Grande drought & the 1944 Mexico-US treaty; the 1961-1964 drought along the Great Lakes & the 1909 Canadian-US treaty; & 1997-1999 water shortage in the Jordan Basin & the 1994 Jordanian-Israeli peace treaty. The most important of these excluded/neglected mechanisms are drought mitigation measures. The ramifications of not adopting these mitigation measures are assessed through a look at the performance of these treaties & how they evolved during drought conditions. In this context, considered are hybrid cooperative mechanisms to address regional climate risk that also accommodate the requirement of the nation-state to maintain its hegemony over transnational institutions & secure a long-standing water regime. Attention is also given to how local & regional initiatives are overcoming state inadequacies in grappling with climate risk. Tables, Figures, References. D. Edelman

The study describes the process & the political circumstances of the EU-accession of Hungary. Already through the economic reforms in the first half of the eighties Hungary strove for a rapprochement to the European Community. After 1989 during the system transformation, the general political slogan became "turning back to Europe." Having overcome an initial period of historical argumentation & moral & political motivation, the reconstruction of political democracy & market economy paved the way to the accession to the EU. Despite of alternating governments & a changing party landscape Hungary developed into one of the most stable democracies of the CEE countries. In 1996-98 the government settled the disputes over borders & minorities with the neighbouring countries. In 1998 the country became a member of NATO & thus a stabilising element in the Central European region. Fundamental economic reforms, privatisation & influx of foreign direct investment brought about sustainable economic growth. Since the beginning of the negotiations with the EU in 1998, Hungary was in a kind of leading position & made great progress in meeting the accession criteria. The study introduces the main players in the accession process. It stresses the consensus among the main political forces in the question of EU-accession & discusses some debated issues of the accession strategy like minority problems, the agricultural crisis, immigration, & media policies. The study also deals with the changing public attitudes in the country concerning European Integration: from the high floating EU-phoria at the beginning of the nineties through partly disappointment & reservations at the turn of the century to sober attitudes, demonstrating a continuous &, in the last period nowadays even further increasing support for EU Membership with the successful referendum. Tables, Graphs, References.

The Czech European Integration discourse shows three phases. The first phase set in with the 'velvet revolution' in 1989. During that phase the main goal was institutionalizing & consolidating the new democracy & defining a general line & concept of transition. Quick accession to the EU was regarded as a goal without alternative that would strengthen & crown transition. The break-up of the Federation slowed down that process. During the second phase between 1993 & 1996 the newly founded Czech Republic became a frontrunner for the next wave of enlargement. All major parties presented it as the most successful 'post-communist' country among the applicants for EU Membership & as an unquestioned candidate for the first wave of enlargement. The third phase started in late 1996 when the Czech Republic came into crisis. Support for membership declined because of protective trading measures, criticism by the EU about inefficient reforms & frustration with delays in the accession process. Since then the Czech Republic improved the conditions for adaptation of European laws & standards. Europeanization has been disputed internally -- also focusing on specific aspects of European Integration -- & became a major topic in party competition & domestic quarrels. Fundamental confrontations with the EU & especially with Germany & Austria existed about the expulsion of the Sudeten Germans after World War II connected with the highly controversial Benes Decrees & about the Temein nuclear power plant issue. The numerous other differences (e.g. trading conflicts, border regulations esp. with Slovakia) & the negotiation process (e.g. transitional protective measures) demonstrated the limited opportunities of an applicant country, to catch up & stand on equal terms with western countries during the enlargement process. Nevertheless, at least with the recovering of the economy & regained economic growth, the Czech Republic was still one of the most advanced Candidate Countries with speeding up "Europeanization" & finally succeeding in becoming an EU Member State in 2004. Graphs, References.

Introduces the volume, its origins, & individual contributions. The volume's objective is to describe a federal vision of governance in the US & the EU by considering the implications of the legitimacy crisis in our multi-level democracies both based & expanding upon present policy discussions of decentralization (US) & subsidiarity (EU). While the project is informed by an acute acknowledgment of differences between the US & EU, it attends as well to the several points of commonality in the continuing negotiation of the federal contract in both systems. K. Coddon

"The crisis in the transatlantic relations is perceived by many as a surprise. After the collapse of bipolar world and sweeping changes in political landscape in the '90s (the dissolution of the Warsaw Treaty Organization, dismembrance of the Soviet Union) it seemed that the toughest problems were behind us. What's more: no state in Europe was threatened by aggression from its neighbors. Any open conflicts were of a peripheral character (there remained certain unresolved disputes in the Balkans and the Caucasus). The relations between NATO and Russia had been set up in a qualitatively new way (as reflected by the NATO-Russia Council established in Pratica di Mare near Rome in May, 2002). All former totalitarian states dominated in the past by the Soviet Union had declared adherence to the same system of values (a political system based on democracy, market economy, rule of law, and respect for human and minority rights). That apparently idyllic picture was complemented by the conclusion of the EU Summit accession negotiations in Copenhagen (December, 2002), leading to enlargement of the Union by ten new members. In addition, the Atlantic Alliance at the Prague Summit (November, 2002) confirmed the extension of NATO by seven new members. This picture was distorted by the US-driven decision to intervene in Iraq without the clear-cut UN decision and with the strong opposition of some American allies in Europe. In fact, the so-called Iraqi crisis was really only partly about Iraq. The crisis over intervention in Iraq was in fact and still is a catalyst. What was really at stake was a set of more fundamental questions that the crisis brought to the surface that stem from the evolution and fundamental change of international system as such." (author's abstract)

Draws on research on policy change & social movement campaigns to examine the European Women's Lobby (EWL) as an example of a successful transnational public interest group. The EWL managed to get its demands heard during 1996 negotiations for the new European Union (EU) Treaty. Consequently, the Amsterdam Treaty signed in 1997 & ratified in 1999 includes significant provisions related to gender equality, both within & outside the labor market. EWL strategies & activities related to the Amsterdam campaign are detailed, including informational activities, lobbying actions, & protests at both national & the European level. The political context that allowed these actions to take place is explored as a "window for reform." It is concluded that the EWL's success was directly related to its ability to vertically coordinate national & European actions. This multilevel action coordination was enhanced by the windows for reform that were opened by the EU's enlargement, its legitimacy crisis, & the decision to revise the Treaty. J. Lindroth

Draws on research on policy change & social movement campaigns to examine the European Women's Lobby (EWL) as an example of a successful transnational public interest group. The EWL managed to get its demands heard during 1996 negotiations for the new European Union (EU) Treaty. Consequently, the Amsterdam Treaty signed in 1997 & ratified in 1999 includes significant provisions related to gender equality, both within & outside the labor market. EWL strategies & activities related to the Amsterdam campaign are detailed, including informational activities, lobbying actions, & protests at both national & the European level. The political context that allowed these actions to take place is explored as a "window for reform." It is concluded that the EWL's success was directly related to its ability to vertically coordinate national & European actions. This multilevel action coordination was enhanced by the windows for reform that were opened by the EU's enlargement, its legitimacy crisis, & the decision to revise the Treaty. J. Lindroth

"In the second chapter, Anke Dahrendorf deals with a risk that can easily be called a global one. She examines the proliferation of bilateral agreements in the sphere of trade regulations and asks to what extent this development - both source and consequence of the standstill in multilateral trade negotiations (Doha-Round) - has to be considered a threat for the main multilateral institution in the field, the WTO. Serious weakening or even a breakdown of the WTO could indeed be qualified as a global risk. Given the global economic Integration and interdependence, in short: globalisation, inability to find viable means of regulation and/or the breakdown of existing regulation can affect the whole world economy - a lesson that we have learned only recently in the different but related financial crisis. But Dahrendorf's chapter points to a second set of risks, namely those faced by developing countries who are usually partners to the bilateral trade agreements. For the area of intellectual property protection, Dahrendorf argues that the threat to the WTO is quite limited, whereas the problems of developing countries are significant, ranging from the undermining of their policy space and the exploitation of their dependence from international trade to adverse agreements largely benefitting industrialised countries. It is interesting to note, as Dahrendorf suggests, that public/ academic awareness seems to focus much more on the risk for the WTO (e.g. end of multilateralism, spill-over effects) than on the risks for developing countries which are difficult to assess at this point." (extract)