Long-Term Consequences of Aggressive Diplomacy: European Relations after Austrian Crimean War Threats
In: Security studies, Band 21, Heft 2, S. 232-265
ISSN: 1556-1852
In: Security studies, Band 21, Heft 2, S. 232-265
ISSN: 1556-1852
In: Perspectives: review of international affairs, Band 21, Heft 2, S. 63-82
ISSN: 1210-762X
World Affairs Online
In: Diplomatic history, Band 36, Heft 1, S. 119-145
ISSN: 1467-7709
The American acquisition of military and naval facilities at Chaguaramas in Trinidad during World War II led to a significant Anglo-American controversy during the late 1950s. In 1957 the Chief Minister of Trinidad, Eric Williams, began a campaign to eject the Americans from the base. Members of the Eisenhower administration regarded the campaign as evidence of anti-Americanism and the US Navy sought to undermine Williams by cooperating with his opponents. This interference was resented by British policy-makers who were planning to grant independence to Trinidad as part of a West Indian federation. The resulting Anglo-American disagreement continued until a compromise, which allowed the United States to retain the base in return for economic aid, was reached in 1961. The episode is significant in demonstrating that Washington was concerned about incipient anti-Americanism within the Anglophone Caribbean and in signifying British determination to defend their remaining colonial interests after the Suez crisis. Adapted from the source document.
The pandemic crisis and its global legal impact on information protection, creative economy, and business activities / Luo Li, Carlos Espaliú Berdud, Steve Foster and Ben Stanford -- Mapping the legal landscape of information law in times of crisis / Olga Kokoulina, Anja Møller Pedersen and Jens Schovsbo -- Fashion after COVID-19 : virtually the same but different / Johanna Gibson -- Broken Copyright in the pandemic crisis -- rethinking public interest in China / Luo Li -- The global impact (both challenges and opportunities) of COVID-19 on rights and justice / Juha Karhu -- Mediation as a key conflict resolution system to address the increase in litigation as a result of COVID-19 / Geraldine Bethencourt Rodríguez -- Increased employees' engagement power at the time of crisis / Neshat Safari -- Dangerous circumstances, discipline and dismissal : some employment law impacts of COVID-19 / Alexander Simmonds -- Labour force, suspended rights and entrepreneurs' disruption of activities / Andrés Jerónimo Arenas Falótico and Jessica BayónPérez -- Reflections on COVID-19 / Luo Li, Carlos Espaliú Berdud, Steve.
In: Ethics & international affairs, Band 18, Heft 2, S. 29-36
ISSN: 0892-6794
In: The Pacific review, Band 27, Heft 5, S. 585-610
ISSN: 1470-1332
Bolivia and Chile live in a culture of rivalry as a consequence of the Nitrate War (1879-1883). In each country's case, the construction of the other as a threat, a rival and/or inferior has shaped the discursive articulation of the bilateral relationship. Whereas the culture of rivalry is more evident in Bolivia because of its aspiration to alter the border, Chile's statusquo position, which stresses that there are no pending issues with Bolivia, as well as its construction of itself as superior, also represents rivalrous behavior. The perception of Chile as a threat and rival became especially evident in Bolivia during these two countries' bilateral negotiations to export gas to and through Chile (gas crisis from 2001-05). However, since Evo Morales and Michelle Bachelet took office in Bolivia (2006-present) and in Chile (2006-10), respectively, they have sought to change this culture of rivalry to one of friendship by constructing discursive articulations of self and other based on the principle of building mutual trust. Such a change in the form of othering is only possible to understand within the context of a crisis of meanings. The new approach of othering the counterpart as a friend has filled the void of meaning left by the crisis of discursive articulations of othering the counterpart as a rival, a threat and/or inferior. ; Bolivien und Chile leben - als Konsequenz des Salpeter-Krieges (1879-1883) - in einer 'Kultur der Rivalität'. Seit diesem Krieg wechseln sich in den bilateralen Beziehungen dieser beiden Länder Episoden der Anspannung mit Momenten relativer Beruhigung ab. Die Darstellung des jeweils Anderen als eine Bedrohung, als Rivale und die Einstufung als minderwertig hat die diskursive Umsetzung der bilateralen Beziehungen geformt. Während in Bolivien die 'Kultur der Rivalität' wegen der angestrebten Grenzänderung stärker in den Vordergrund rückt, nimmt Chile gegenwärtig eine Position ein, wonach es keine offenen Themen mit Bolivien gäbe. Jedoch zeugt die Betonung der chilenischen Seite als überlegene Kraft gegenüber Bolivien von offener Rivalität. Die Wahrnehmung Chiles als Bedrohung und als Rivale wurde in Bolivien während der Gas-Krise zwischen 2001 und 2005 offensichtlich. Seit dem Regierungsantritt von Evo Morales in Bolivien (2006-) und Michelle Bachelet in Chile (2006-2010) betonen beide, dass sie diese 'Kultur der Rivalität' beenden wollen und stattdessen eine diskursive Verständigung - basierend auf den Prinzipien der Freundschaft und des gegenseitigen Vertrauens - zwischen beiden Ländern anstreben.
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In: Next wave
Patrón and peón: labor and authority on the great estates -- Binding ties: campesino sexuality and family negotiations -- Making men: labor mobilization and agrarian reform -- Promoting gender mutualism: rural education, mothers centers, and family planning -- Struggling for land: worker bosses and campesina militants -- Revolutionizing women: popular unity and female mobilization -- Coming apart: struggle, sex, and social crisis.
In: Global responsibility to protect: GR2P, Band 7, Heft 2, S. 225-233
ISSN: 1875-984X
This is a reply to Aiden Hehir's critique of our earlier article published in this journal, in which we analysed international negotiations over the 2011 Libya crisis and argued that the humanitarian norm of protecting civilians was germane in these debates and subsequent United Nations Security Council Resolutions. In the reply we challenge some of Hehir's allegations as to what was argued in the original article, reaffirm the argumentation framework against which we analysed the data, and summarise the evidence on which we relied.
In: Smeets , S , Jaschke , A & Beach , D 2019 , ' The Role of the EU Institutions in Establishing the European Stability Mechanism : Institutional Leadership under a Veil of Intergovernmentalism ' , Journal of Common Market Studies , vol. 57 , no. 4 , pp. 675-691 . https://doi.org/10.1111/jcms.12842
This article traces the role of the EU institutions in setting up the European stability mechanism (ESM). There have been many scholarly assessments but few empirical reconstructions of decision-making on the intergovernmental ESM and its predecessor the European financial stability facility. The instruments clearly constituted a step away from supranational entrepreneurship and the Community method. However, we question the intergovernmentalist interpretation in terms of institutional competition and decline. Using a historical analogy of the Delors model(s), we identify two types of institutional leadership and show how the ESM was characterized, first by an uneasy combination and then a shift from political championship to the engineering type of leadership. Using two case studies, we trace the negotiations for increasing the size and scope of the ESM. The analyses show that this was a bottom-up process in which the institutions laid out the tracks and provided the link between the control room (European Council) and 'machine room' (Eurogroup/Eurogroup Working Group/ Task Force on Coordinated Action) proceedings.
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El debate y los problemas derivados de la crisis económica actual suscitaron interrogantes acerca del futuro de las políticas redistributivas de la UE y la financiación del Marco Financiero Plurianual 2014-2020. En este texto se pretende analizar los instrumentos a disposición de las CC.AA para participar en la negociación del diseño de la futura política de cohesión y de la Política Agraria Común de la Unión Europea, además de revisar el funcionamiento de los mecanismos de coordinación entre los distintos niveles de gobierno implicados en un proceso de negociación que tanta trascendencia presentaba para las CC.AA. ; The negotiation of the Multiannual Financial Framework 2014-2020 was an outstanding topic on the agenda of the EU during the last few years, on which also sub national units tried to have a say. In this paper I analyse the instruments available for the Autonomous Communities to participate in the design of the future cohesion policy and common agriculture policy. By analysing this participation we will as k how this institutional framework has evolved during the past years and if the Autonomous Communities could forward their preferences in the negotiation process ; 1. INTRODUCCIÓN 2. MARCO TEÓRICO PARA EL ANÁLISIS DE LA PARTICIPACIÓN DE LAS ENTIDADES SUBESTATALES EN ASUNTOS EUROPEOS 3. LAS POSICIONES DE LAS CCAA CON RESPECTO A LA POLÍTICA DE COHESIÓN Y LA PAC 2014-2020 4. LA PARTICIPACIÓN DE LAS CC.AA EN LA NEGOCIACIÓN DEL MFP 2014-2020 4.1. La participación a nivel doméstico; 4.1.1 La participación bilateral; 4.1.2 La participación multilateral; 4.2 La Participación a nivel europeo. 5. CONCLUSIONES
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On 31 December 2020, Germany's rotating EU Council presidency will come to an end after a particularly difficult term. Corona burst upon an already crowded policy agenda, including the negotiation of the EU's next seven-year budget, rule of law conditionality and the finalization of the Brexit negotiations. On top of a packed agenda, the German presidency faced considerable institutional and corona-related constraints. In this Policy Brief, Nicole Koenig and Thu Nguyen look back at the German presidency and develop five key takeaways for the upcoming corona presidencies, notably Portugal (first half of 2021) and Slovenia (second half). The German presidency has shown that they should prepare for more corona crisis management,internal divisions and unexpected crises.
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In: Security and human rights, Band 26, Heft 2-4, S. 337-349
ISSN: 1875-0230
This article analyses the outcome of the 22nd
osce Ministerial Council (mc) meeting, held in Belgrade on 3 and 4 December 2015, the year that the osce celebrated the 40th anniversary of the Helsinki Final Act, its founding document. The article argues that the mc meeting was characterized by entrenched positions and that it illustrated the distrust and deep divides among the 57 osce participating States. The article explains that the negotiation process was overshadowed by the ongoing Ukraine crisis and by a number of bilateral conflicts between states. The author specifies some of the bilateral conflicts and shows how they took direct influence on the negotiation process and how they led to the fall of important draft documents. As a result, the Belgrade mc adopted only 5 declarations, among them on combating violent extremism and radicalization and on combating illicit drug trafficking.
Earth's climate is in crisis. Climate governance has failed. This book diagnoses climate governance as if it were a sick patient, uncovering the fundamental factors causing the worsening climate crisis. It distils decades of global climate negotiations to reveal the features of international relations that are impeding climate action, and it identifies political obstacles to climate governance across a variety of countries in the Americas, Asia, and Europe. The psychosocial aspects of climate change are explored to show how human nature, overconsumption, and global capitalism conspire to stymy climate action. Remedies are suggested for how to overcome hurdles to effective climate governance internationally and nationally, with ideas provided for individuals to help them align their own interests with those of the global environment. Covering all of the major recent events in climate politics and governance, this is an accessible book for concerned readers who want to understand the climate crisis.
In: East Asian Policy, Band 13, Heft 2, S. 5-18
ISSN: 2251-3175
China and India have surprised the world by their military brinkmanship since mid-2020 amid the global coronavirus pandemic. Also surprising was their sudden disengagement at a key site, Pangong Tso Lake area in the western sector of their disputed boundary, in February 2021. But the continuing crisis has eroded their summit-level consensus reached in 2018 and 2019 that they were neighbourly partners, not rivals. The genesis of this crisis is the clash of their new perspectives on the Kashmir issue which, originally an India–Pakistan affair, has now become a major Chinese concern as well. Two new game changers in the troubled Sino–Indian engagement have caused this crisis. The author suggests a nuanced agreement on mutual military accommodation. Such an accord could create the ambience for serious negotiations to settle the intractable Sino–Indian boundary disputes.