Suchergebnisse

The author analyzes EU actor capacity in security policy with special emphasis on crisis management. She places this within the larger context of security policy & the transatlantic debate over the role of NATO, the case of Iraq, & different national interests of key member states. The author concludes that the EU has steadily developed its capacity to undertake the various types of crisis management, but that the role of the EU as a security actor will be determined by the larger systemic decision making in this area. The crisis over Iraq may very well lead to a consolidation of the EU's role. 33 References. Adapted from the source document.

A number of new technologies for crisis communication is developed based on a now widespread acknowledgment: Information saves lives. But what is really in this realization? The fact that access to information can be equated with access to clean water and food for a refugee? That we no longer need their own exploration crews to track down people which went out to live in the mountains? In the this article I put spotlight on digital map crisis ('crisis mapping') and the importance of an increasingly digitized crisis communication between recipients and donors of humanitarian aid. An initial assertion that discusses the past candidate that more digital communication between professional humanitarian relief agencies and the public contributes to increased efficiency of the traditional relief efforts. Past candidate based on the assumption that the crisis-affected population can provide information that is relevant for response prosecutors, in a manner that is faster and more cost-effective than ever before. In return, crisis victims fervent early response, and through that the taking over of control over the flow of information in response to prosecutors, they also have a greater influence on the welfare services tasks and priorities (Shkabatur 2012: 4). Adapted from the source document.

Since the start of the Ukrainian crisis in 2014, the Nordic states have sought to advance their defence cooperation "beyond peacetime" to also encompass operational military cooperation in crisis and armed conflict. Relations between the two Nordic non-NATO members, Sweden and Finland, have formed a vanguard, encompassing bilateral operational planning beyond peacetime. While no formal security policy guarantees have been exchanged, Sweden and Finland have created strong expectations that they will lend each other support in a crisis. In short, while no formal alliance treaty exists, the two states have nevertheless become closely aligned. In 2020, Sweden and Finland joined NATO member Norway in signalling their intention to strengthen their trilateral defence relationship. The following year, NATO members Norway and Denmark signed a similar agreement with Sweden. The goal of these documents was to coordinate their national operational plans – their "war plans" – and perhaps develop some common operational plans. In this article, it is argued that these agreements fall short of a formal military alliance, but that they represent an alignment policy between the Nordic states.

Explains that the late-2000 recession was mainly due to the fact that politicians, businessmen and economists had forgotten the lessons of the great depression resulting in a moral hazard of overleveraging as big corporations knew that the government would bail them out. The seeds for this economic crisis were already sawn by the stock market bubble in the 1990's that eventually spread into more important sectors due to bad government policies based on neoliberalism. It is important that policy makers see the economic crisis as a possibility and aim at full employment while redesigning the credit system in order to avoid future crises. L. Pitkaniemi