The issue of mass migration to the European Union, although it has been present in the public space for several years, is still topical. Following the population movements in Europe and the massive influx of migrants from the Middle East to the borders of the European Union, the accumulation of which occurred in 2015, a number of phenomena related to the so-called migration crisis have been subject to research analysis. The aim of the considerations undertaken in this case study is to present the way in which Poland's position towards the EU's proposals for solving the migration crisis has evolved. A content analysis of the literature on the subject and the legal acts provided an answer to the question of how Poland's attitude changed after the 2015 parliamentary elections. And what factors underpinned the change of approach regarding the reception of refugees. This study uses mainly theoretical research methods such as analysis, which includes content analysis of the literature and available documents, and statistical studies on the research phenomenon. The analysis of the problem leads to the reflection that the proposal for a solution to the EU migration crisis has divided both the European Community and many other countries. In the face of a crisis, solidarity with the community and responsibility for the security of citizens were at stake. In 2015, this issue aroused a lot of emotion during the ongoing political campaign in Poland and was part of the electoral game. The victorious party and the new government have unequivocally rejected the idea of relocation, confirming that security is their overriding priority.
This article aims to make an insight into the conditions of immigration policy and actions undertaken by the Swedish authorities and political parties in the face of the migration crisis in Europe after 2015. A hypothesis presented here assumes that a decisive evolution of the attitudes of the Swedish authorities, political parties, and society towards a restrictive approach to immigration arose from the awareness of the negative consequences of migration management for the Swedish socio-economic model and the political scene. The theoretical framework used in this article is the concept of policy responsiveness, including the ability of political authorities to respond effectively and lawfully to the needs and expectations of the citizens. Process tracing was applied as a research method useful for following the transformation process Sweden's immigration policy. Statistical data, documents issued by the government and political parties, as well as the subject literature were the sources utilised in the research. Conclusions drawn from the research point to the tightening of immigration policy as a result of the fear of a prolonged pull effect on foreigners and concern surrounding the appropriate handling of immigration in full accordance with the adopted model of immigration policy.
Non profit organizations play important role in every democratic country. Their role is even bigger when given economy has to cope with different problems, because organizations support these spheres of social life that are neglected by the state. In this paper condition of American non profit sector between 2006 and 2009 is discussed. As a result of conducted analysis of The Center on Philanthropy at Indiana University reports and information from The Internal Revenue Service it turns that, despite the crisis time, non profit organizations are in good shape. It is connected with a big engagement of almost the whole American society that supports organizations in financial way as well as giving time and work. Such big social support non profit organizations stems both from conviction, that this is a pattern of real American society, and from beneficial tax solutions. ; Non profit organizations play important role in every democratic country. Their role is even bigger when given economy has to cope with different problems, because organizations support these spheres of social life that are neglected by the state. In this paper condition of American non profit sector between 2006 and 2009 is discussed. As a result of conducted analysis of The Center on Philanthropy at Indiana University reports and information from The Internal Revenue Service it turns that, despite the crisis time, non profit organizations are in good shape. It is connected with a big engagement of almost the whole American society that supports organizations in financial way as well as giving time and work. Such big social support non profit organizations stems both from conviction, that this is a pattern of real American society, and from beneficial tax solutions.
Non profit organizations play important role in every democratic country. Their role is even bigger when given economy has to cope with different problems, because organizations support these spheres of social life that are neglected by the state. In this paper condition of American non profit sector between 2006 and 2009 is discussed. As a result of conducted analysis of The Center on Philanthropy at Indiana University reports and information from The Internal Revenue Service it turns that, despite the crisis time, non profit organizations are in good shape. It is connected with a big engagement of almost the whole American society that supports organizations in financial way as well as giving time and work. Such big social support non profit organizations stems both from conviction, that this is a pattern of real American society, and from beneficial tax solutions. ; Non profit organizations play important role in every democratic country. Their role is even bigger when given economy has to cope with different problems, because organizations support these spheres of social life that are neglected by the state. In this paper condition of American non profit sector between 2006 and 2009 is discussed. As a result of conducted analysis of The Center on Philanthropy at Indiana University reports and information from The Internal Revenue Service it turns that, despite the crisis time, non profit organizations are in good shape. It is connected with a big engagement of almost the whole American society that supports organizations in financial way as well as giving time and work. Such big social support non profit organizations stems both from conviction, that this is a pattern of real American society, and from beneficial tax solutions.
artykuł w: Annales Universitatis Mariae Curie-Skłodowska. Sectio M, Balcaniensis et Carpatiensis. Vol. 1 (2016), s. 87-101 ; streszcz. ang., pol. ; artykuł w: Annales Universitatis Mariae Curie-Skłodowska. Sectio M, Balcaniensis et Carpatiensis. Vol. 1 (2016), s. 87-101 ; streszcz. ang., pol.
The article provides an analysis of the powers of the President of the Republic of Poland, which may have an impact on counteracting and moderating constitutional crises and constitutional rot. It aims to describe the potential actions that the head of state may take in a constitutional crisis to restore the stabilization of the state and the constitutional order with its values. The study also includes a reflection on the influence of the style of the presidency on the effectiveness of arbitration.
artykuł w: Annales Universitatis Mariae Curie-Skłodowska. Sectio M, Balcaniensis et Carpathiensis Vol. 4 (2019), s. 53-67 ; streszcz. pol., ang. ; artykuł w: Annales Universitatis Mariae Curie-Skłodowska. Sectio M, Balcaniensis et Carpathiensis Vol. 4 (2019), s. 53-67 ; streszcz. pol., ang.
The aim of the research is to explore various forms of participation of the EU Member States Parliaments in the political processes of the European Union. The assessment of the intensity of the analyzed participation will be made by applying the concept of classification of the distinguished participation, which includes passive and active participation. This study has a significant impact in the context of participation of citizens, whose direct representatives are elected members of the national Parliaments (NP). The article verifies the hypothesis that the variety of forms of participation of NP in the political processes in the EU strengthens the democratic legitimacy by increasing transparency and accountability of the EU institutions and by improving cross-level communication lines between the EU institutions and national authorities. Active forms of participation increase influence of NP on the EU political processes. However, a wide range of informal participation increases the effectiveness of supranational decision-making processes, in particular, reducing the technocratic nature of the decisions.
The aim of the research is to explore various forms of participation of the EU Member States Parliaments in the political processes of the European Union. The assessment of the intensity of the analyzed participation will be made by applying the concept of classification of the distinguished participation, which includes passive and active participation. This study has a significant impact in the context of participation of citizens, whose direct representatives are elected members of the national Parliaments (NP). The article verifies the hypothesis that the variety of forms of participation of NP in the political processes in the EU strengthens the democratic legitimacy by increasing transparency and accountability of the EU institutions and by improving cross-level communication lines between the EU institutions and national authorities. Active forms of participation increase influence of NP on the EU political processes. However, a wide range of informal participation increases the effectiveness of supranational decision-making processes, in particular, reducing the technocratic nature of the decisions.
This paper's objective is to study the impact of the war in Ukraine on the Eastern policy of the European Union. To achieve this goal, it is necessary to highlight this policy's position in the overall international activity of the EU, as well as its characteristic features, main goals, instruments, and two components: the strategic partnership with Russia and the Eastern Partnership (EaP). The substantive part of the paper contains an analysis which, taking into account the implications of the war in Ukraine, is intended to justify three research hypotheses. They concern: the complete failure of the strategic partnership with Russia, then the serious crisis of the EaP and, finally, the possibility of achieving success in the Eastern policy in the form of Ukraine's accession to the EU. As indicated in the conclusion, this would provide the European Union with a permanently strong position in Eastern Europe.
In this article, we analyse the impact of disruptive media events on the perceived value of diversity in editorial practices, with a specific focus on the Polish media debate following the onset of the Ukrainian-Russian war in February 2022. We do this based on a unique dataset derived from in-depth interviews with eight editors representing four different newsrooms conducted before, immediately after, and approximately one year after the start of the war. Our research answers the question of whether newsrooms can defend the value of diversity during the coverage of war and crisis. We also assess the impact of the changed geopolitical context, characterised by nation-building mobilisation and public sentiments of solidarity with Ukrainians, on editorial decisions to mute, delay, or opt out of publishing certain stories. We contribute to research on the epistemologies of journalistic news production during times of crisis, news diversity, and the role of the media in democratic societies.
As a result of the parliamentary elections held in the Czech Republic on October 20-21, 2017, the two left-wing parties of the Czech Social Democratic Party (ČSSD) and the Communist Party of Bohemia and Moravia (KSČM) achieved the worst results in the history of their parliamentary rivalry from the time of the Velvet Divorce [Výsledky voleb a referend: 2018]. This fact is part of the regularity of recent years also in Poland, Hungary and partly in Slovakia - weaker results in the parliamentary elections of left parties. This article is an attempt to show the political strength of the most important left-wing parties in these countries. It will be a kind of background that will help show the scale of the crisis. Otherwise, we should consider parties isolated from those that had a significant influence on state policy through the governance. The index of participation and government responsibility suggested by Giuseppe Ieraci will be helpful in this case. The second part of this article is an attempt to identify the causes of the crisis. It is known that the determinants of this state of affairs are many, the more necessary it seems to systematize them and attempt to indicate similarities in this respect in the Visegrad Group countries. This will allow us to determine if there are common features of the leftist crisis in the V4, which in turn may become the basis of discussions about left-wing issues in Central and Eastern Europe, leading to reflections on the contemporary challenges of left-wing parties. Although the national political scenes as well as the processes taking place in their areas, in the Czech Republic, Poland, Slovakia and Hungary are clearly different from the mechanisms and decisions in Western Europe, it is impossible to analyze the subject taken by the authors in isolation from the crisis of the West European Left Wing as well as the growing debate and critical voices towards liberal democracy, which, according to some European leaders, such as Viktor Orban, is a failure in the field of solving the most important problems of the modern state [Nowak 2018: 45]. ; W wyniku wyborów parlamentarnych, które odbyły się w R epublice Czeskiej w dniach 20–21 października 2017 r., dwie partie lewicowe – Czeska Partia Socjaldemokratyczna (ČSSD) oraz Komunistyczna Partia Czech i M oraw (KSČM) – uzyskały najgorsze wyniki w historii swojej rywalizacji parlamentarnej od czasu "aksamitnego rozwodu" [Výsledky voleb a referend: 2018]. Fakt ten wpisuje się w prawidłowość występującą w ostatnich latach również w Polsce, na Węgrzech i częściowo na Słowacji – słabszych wyników w wyborach parlamentarnych ugrupowań lewicowych. Niniejszy artykuł stanowi próbę wykazania politycznej siły najważniejszych ugrupowań lewicowych w tych państwach. Stanowić to będzie swoiste tło, które pomoże określić skalę wspomnianego kryzysu. Inaczej bowiem powinniśmy rozpatrywać partie izolowane od tych, które miały istotny wpływ na politykę państwa przez sprawowanie rządów. Pomocne będą w tym przypadku indeksy partycypacji i odpowiedzialności rządowej, zaproponowane przez Giuseppe Ieraciego. Druga część niniejszego artykułu to próba określenia przyczyn wspomnianego kryzysu. Wiadome jest, że determinantów takiego stanu rzeczy jest wiele, tym bardziej konieczne wydaje się ich usystematyzowanie oraz próba wskazania podobieństw w tym zakresie w państwach Grupy Wyszehradzkiej. Pozwoli to określić, czy istnieją wspólne cechy kryzysu lewicy w V4, co z kolei może się stać zalążkiem dyskusji o problemach lewicy w Europie Środkowej i Wschodniej, prowadząc do rozważań na temat współczesnych wyzwań partii lewicowych. Wprawdzie krajowe sceny polityczne, a także zachodzące w ich obrębach procesy w Czechach, Polsce oraz na Słowacji i Węgrzech różnią się wyraźnie od mechanizmów i rozstrzygnięć w państwach Europy Zachodniej, mimo to nie można analizować podjętego przez autorów tematu w oderwaniu od kryzysu lewicy zachodnioeuropejskiej, a także coraz silniejszej dyskusji oraz krytycznych głosów wobec demokracji liberalnej, która zdaniem niektórych przywódców europejskich państw, np. Viktora Orbana, przynosi klęskę na polu rozwiązywania najważniejszych problemów współczesnego państwa [Nowak 2018: 45].
This article analyzes the most important political, social, ethical problems of modern society – lies in the media, "fake news" as an indicator of the degradation of the media, civil society institutions, and the authorities. The article analyzes the information processes of modern society, states the influence of fake news on political processes. The article reveals the importance of the political culture of society and the negative perception of fake news. This phenomenon is considered in the context of the informational picture of the world, the need of the authorities to abuse the institution of journalism as an agent of influence and manipulation of public opinion. The study notes the role of the linguistic factor in the implementation of the functions of manipulating society, reducing the level of citizens' trust in the state. The article attempts to reveal the role of social networks in promoting fake news. On the example of the secondary interpretation of the results of a sociological survey in the United States, the negative perception of fake news by society is revealed. The survey results indicate the growth of inequality and prejudice in society. The article concludes about the social turbulence of the processes of modern society.
The social economy sector is an important area of public policy implementation in social assistance and the labor market. Social economy entities have instruments of public financial support at their disposal, including returnable ones, enabling them to develop and achieve economic and social goals. During the COVID-19 pandemic, they received new support instruments of a unique nature compared to the existing solutions. An important issue is the flexibility of public policy responses and the ability to jointly - the public authority and the non-profit stakeholder community - to develop and implement support to protect this sector, which is sensitive to economic crises resulting from the consequences of operating restrictions during the COVID-19 pandemic. The social enterprise, or more broadly social entrepreneurship, is certainly one of the most fascinating innovations of recent decades, still eluding theoretically satisfactory explanation.
The Federal Republic of Germany has developed a model of integration and assimilation of refugees and economic migrants, which for decades was a model for other European countries and the European Union (EU ). This was possible thanks to the consensus between the main political forces in the country, which, despite the natural alternation of power, do not undermine the main objectives of both foreign policy as well as internal, including the approach to immigrants. The situation changed after 2011 and the events in North Africa, known as the Arab Spring, the consequence of which was a massive influx of refugees and immigrants to Germany. This article examines the position of the main political parties in relation to the refugee crisis. ; Republika Federalna Niemiec (RFN) wypracowała model integracji i asymilacji uchodźców i imigrantów zarobkowych, który przez dziesięciolecia stanowił wzór dla innych państw europejskich i Unii Europejskiej (UE ). Było to możliwe dzięki konsensusowi pomiędzy głównymi siłami politycznymi w kraju, które, mimo naturalnej alternacji władzy, nie podważały głównych założeń zarówno polityki zagranicznej, jak też wewnętrznej, w tym kwestii podejścia do imigrantów. Sytuacja uległa zmianie po 2011 r. i wydarzeniach w Afryce Północnej, zwanych arabską wiosną, których konsekwencją stał się masowy napływ uchodźców i imigrantów do Niemiec. W artykule przeanalizowane zostaną stanowiska głównych partii politycznych w odniesieniu do kryzysu uchodźczego.