Suchergebnisse

The issue of mass migration to the European Union, although it has been present in the public space for several years, is still topical. Following the population movements in Europe and the massive influx of migrants from the Middle East to the borders of the European Union, the accumulation of which occurred in 2015, a number of phenomena related to the so-called migration crisis have been subject to research analysis. The aim of the considerations undertaken in this case study is to present the way in which Poland's position towards the EU's proposals for solving the migration crisis has evolved. A content analysis of the literature on the subject and the legal acts provided an answer to the question of how Poland's attitude changed after the 2015 parliamentary elections. And what factors underpinned the change of approach regarding the reception of refugees. This study uses mainly theoretical research methods such as analysis, which includes content analysis of the literature and available documents, and statistical studies on the research phenomenon. The analysis of the problem leads to the reflection that the proposal for a solution to the EU migration crisis has divided both the European Community and many other countries. In the face of a crisis, solidarity with the community and responsibility for the security of citizens were at stake. In 2015, this issue aroused a lot of emotion during the ongoing political campaign in Poland and was part of the electoral game. The victorious party and the new government have unequivocally rejected the idea of relocation, confirming that security is their overriding priority.

This article aims to make an insight into the conditions of immigration policy and actions undertaken by the Swedish authorities and political parties in the face of the migration crisis in Europe after 2015. A hypothesis presented here assumes that a decisive evolution of the attitudes of the Swedish authorities, political parties, and society towards a restrictive
approach to immigration arose from the awareness of the negative consequences of migration management for the Swedish socio-economic model and the political scene. The theoretical framework used in this article is the concept of policy responsiveness, including the ability of
political authorities to respond effectively and lawfully to the needs and expectations of the citizens. Process tracing was applied as a research method useful for following the transformation process Sweden's immigration policy. Statistical data, documents issued by the government and political parties, as well as the subject literature were the sources
utilised in the research. Conclusions drawn from the research point to the tightening of immigration policy as a result of the fear of a prolonged pull effect on foreigners and concern surrounding the appropriate handling of immigration in full accordance with the adopted model of immigration policy.

Non profit organizations play important role in every democratic country. Their role is even bigger when given economy has to cope with different problems, because organizations support these spheres of social life that are neglected by the state. In this paper condition of American non profit sector between 2006 and 2009 is discussed. As a result of conducted analysis of The Center on Philanthropy at Indiana University reports and information from The Internal Revenue Service it turns that, despite the crisis time, non profit organizations are in good shape. It is connected with a big engagement of almost the whole American society that supports organizations in financial way as well as giving time and work. Such big social support non profit organizations stems both from conviction, that this is a pattern of real American society, and from beneficial tax solutions. ; Non profit organizations play important role in every democratic country. Their role is even bigger when given economy has to cope with different problems, because organizations support these spheres of social life that are neglected by the state. In this paper condition of American non profit sector between 2006 and 2009 is discussed. As a result of conducted analysis of The Center on Philanthropy at Indiana University reports and information from The Internal Revenue Service it turns that, despite the crisis time, non profit organizations are in good shape. It is connected with a big engagement of almost the whole American society that supports organizations in financial way as well as giving time and work. Such big social support non profit organizations stems both from conviction, that this is a pattern of real American society, and from beneficial tax solutions.

Non profit organizations play important role in every democratic country. Their role is even bigger when given economy has to cope with different problems, because organizations support these spheres of social life that are neglected by the state. In this paper condition of American non profit sector between 2006 and 2009 is discussed. As a result of conducted analysis of The Center on Philanthropy at Indiana University reports and information from The Internal Revenue Service it turns that, despite the crisis time, non profit organizations are in good shape. It is connected with a big engagement of almost the whole American society that supports organizations in financial way as well as giving time and work. Such big social support non profit organizations stems both from conviction, that this is a pattern of real American society, and from beneficial tax solutions. ; Non profit organizations play important role in every democratic country. Their role is even bigger when given economy has to cope with different problems, because organizations support these spheres of social life that are neglected by the state. In this paper condition of American non profit sector between 2006 and 2009 is discussed. As a result of conducted analysis of The Center on Philanthropy at Indiana University reports and information from The Internal Revenue Service it turns that, despite the crisis time, non profit organizations are in good shape. It is connected with a big engagement of almost the whole American society that supports organizations in financial way as well as giving time and work. Such big social support non profit organizations stems both from conviction, that this is a pattern of real American society, and from beneficial tax solutions.

The Federal Republic of Germany has developed a model of integration and assimilation of refugees and economic migrants, which for decades was a model for other European countries and the European Union (EU ). This was possible thanks to the consensus between the main political forces in the country, which, despite the natural alternation of power, do not undermine the main objectives of both foreign policy as well as internal, including the approach to immigrants. The situation changed after 2011 and the events in North Africa, known as the Arab Spring, the consequence of which was a massive influx of refugees and immigrants to Germany. This article examines the position of the main political parties in relation to the refugee crisis. ; Republika Federalna Niemiec (RFN) wypracowała model integracji i asymilacji uchodźców i imigrantów zarobkowych, który przez dziesięciolecia stanowił wzór dla innych państw europejskich i Unii Europejskiej (UE ). Było to możliwe dzięki konsensusowi pomiędzy głównymi siłami politycznymi w kraju, które, mimo naturalnej alternacji władzy, nie podważały głównych założeń zarówno polityki zagranicznej, jak też wewnętrznej, w tym kwestii podejścia do imigrantów. Sytuacja uległa zmianie po 2011 r. i wydarzeniach w Afryce Północnej, zwanych arabską wiosną, których konsekwencją stał się masowy napływ uchodźców i imigrantów do Niemiec. W artykule przeanalizowane zostaną stanowiska głównych partii politycznych w odniesieniu do kryzysu uchodźczego.

artykuł w: Annales Universitatis Mariae Curie-Skłodowska. Sectio M, Balcaniensis et Carpathiensis Vol. 4 (2019), s. 53-67 ; streszcz. pol., ang. ; artykuł w: Annales Universitatis Mariae Curie-Skłodowska. Sectio M, Balcaniensis et Carpathiensis Vol. 4 (2019), s. 53-67 ; streszcz. pol., ang.

artykuł w: Annales Universitatis Mariae Curie-Skłodowska. Sectio M, Balcaniensis et Carpatiensis. Vol. 1 (2016), s. 87-101 ; streszcz. ang., pol. ; artykuł w: Annales Universitatis Mariae Curie-Skłodowska. Sectio M, Balcaniensis et Carpatiensis. Vol. 1 (2016), s. 87-101 ; streszcz. ang., pol.

As a result of the parliamentary elections held in the Czech Republic on October 20-21, 2017, the two left-wing parties of the Czech Social Democratic Party (ČSSD) and the Communist Party of Bohemia and Moravia (KSČM) achieved the worst results in the history of their parliamentary rivalry from the time of the Velvet Divorce [Výsledky voleb a referend: 2018]. This fact is part of the regularity of recent years also in Poland, Hungary and partly in Slovakia - weaker results in the parliamentary elections of left parties. This article is an attempt to show the political strength of the most important left-wing parties in these countries. It will be a kind of background that will help show the scale of the crisis. Otherwise, we should consider parties isolated from those that had a significant influence on state policy through the governance. The index of participation and government responsibility suggested by Giuseppe Ieraci will be helpful in this case. The second part of this article is an attempt to identify the causes of the crisis. It is known that the determinants of this state of affairs are many, the more necessary it seems to systematize them and attempt to indicate similarities in this respect in the Visegrad Group countries. This will allow us to determine if there are common features of the leftist crisis in the V4, which in turn may become the basis of discussions about left-wing issues in Central and Eastern Europe, leading to reflections on the contemporary challenges of left-wing parties. Although the national political scenes as well as the processes taking place in their areas, in the Czech Republic, Poland, Slovakia and Hungary are clearly different from the mechanisms and decisions in Western Europe, it is impossible to analyze the subject taken by the authors in isolation from the crisis of the West European Left Wing as well as the growing debate and critical voices towards liberal democracy, which, according to some European leaders, such as Viktor Orban, is a failure in the field of solving the most important problems of the modern state [Nowak 2018: 45]. ; W wyniku wyborów parlamentarnych, które odbyły się w R epublice Czeskiej w dniach 20–21 października 2017 r., dwie partie lewicowe – Czeska Partia Socjaldemokratyczna (ČSSD) oraz Komunistyczna Partia Czech i M oraw (KSČM) – uzyskały najgorsze wyniki w historii swojej rywalizacji parlamentarnej od czasu "aksamitnego rozwodu" [Výsledky voleb a referend: 2018]. Fakt ten wpisuje się w prawidłowość występującą w ostatnich latach również w Polsce, na Węgrzech i częściowo na Słowacji – słabszych wyników w wyborach parlamentarnych ugrupowań lewicowych. Niniejszy artykuł stanowi próbę wykazania politycznej siły najważniejszych ugrupowań lewicowych w tych państwach. Stanowić to będzie swoiste tło, które pomoże określić skalę wspomnianego kryzysu. Inaczej bowiem powinniśmy rozpatrywać partie izolowane od tych, które miały istotny wpływ na politykę państwa przez sprawowanie rządów. Pomocne będą w tym przypadku indeksy partycypacji i odpowiedzialności rządowej, zaproponowane przez Giuseppe Ieraciego. Druga część niniejszego artykułu to próba określenia przyczyn wspomnianego kryzysu. Wiadome jest, że determinantów takiego stanu rzeczy jest wiele, tym bardziej konieczne wydaje się ich usystematyzowanie oraz próba wskazania podobieństw w tym zakresie w państwach Grupy Wyszehradzkiej. Pozwoli to określić, czy istnieją wspólne cechy kryzysu lewicy w V4, co z kolei może się stać zalążkiem dyskusji o problemach lewicy w Europie Środkowej i Wschodniej, prowadząc do rozważań na temat współczesnych wyzwań partii lewicowych. Wprawdzie krajowe sceny polityczne, a także zachodzące w ich obrębach procesy w Czechach, Polsce oraz na Słowacji i Węgrzech różnią się wyraźnie od mechanizmów i rozstrzygnięć w państwach Europy Zachodniej, mimo to nie można analizować podjętego przez autorów tematu w oderwaniu od kryzysu lewicy zachodnioeuropejskiej, a także coraz silniejszej dyskusji oraz krytycznych głosów wobec demokracji liberalnej, która zdaniem niektórych przywódców europejskich państw, np. Viktora Orbana, przynosi klęskę na polu rozwiązywania najważniejszych problemów współczesnego państwa [Nowak 2018: 45].

Polityka państwa jest pochodną wielu czynników zarówno o charakterze wewnętrznym, jak i zewnętrznym. Realizowana jest poprzez odpowiednie działania w różnych dziedzinach jego funkcjonowania. Od 2015 r. nastąpiło ożywienie debaty nad kwestiami migracji, będącymi następstwem kryzysu imigracyjnego, humanitarnego, z jakim zmaga się Europa. Według danych Międzynarodowej Organizacji ds. Migracji liczba osób szukających schronienia lub lepszego życia w Europie wzrosła czterokrotnie w ciągu jednego roku. Sytuacja ta wymusiła podjęcie działań przez Unię Europejską oraz poszczególne państwa mających na celu ograniczenie skali nielegalnej imigracji. Celem artykułu jest analiza polityki migracyjnej Polski w kontekście działań podjętych przez instytucje unijne. Pierwsza część pracy zawiera rozważania teoretyczne dotyczące polityki migracyjnej. W drugiej natomiast autor przedstawił próby rozwiązania kryzysu migracyjnego przez Unię Europejską i postawę polskich rządów wobec imigrantów oraz kwestii ich relokacji. Artykuł przedstawia zmiany, jakich dokonano w polskim systemie prawno-instytucjonalnym. Podjęta analiza wskazuje, że w polityce migracyjnej, mającej w znacznej mierze charakter reakcyjny, naczelną wartością jest bezpieczeństwo. ; The state policy is a derivative of many factors, both internal and external. It is implemented through appropriate activities in various fields of its functioning. From 2015, there has been a revival of the debate over migration issues that are the result of the humanitarian crisis that Europe has been struggling with. According to data from the International Organization for Migration, the number of people seeking a refuge or a better life in Europe has increased fourfold in one year. This situation has forced action by the European Union and individual states aimed at limiting the scale of illegal immigration. The aim of the article is to analyze Poland's migration policy in the context of actions taken by EU institutions. The first part of the work contains theoretical considerations ...

This paper's objective is to study the impact of the war in Ukraine on the Eastern policy of the European Union. To achieve this goal, it is necessary to highlight this policy's position in the overall international activity of the EU, as well as its characteristic features, main goals, instruments, and two components: the strategic partnership with Russia and the Eastern Partnership (EaP). The substantive part of the paper contains an analysis which, taking into account the implications of the war in Ukraine, is intended to justify three research hypotheses. They concern: the complete failure of the strategic partnership with Russia, then the serious crisis of the EaP and, finally, the possibility of achieving success in the Eastern policy in the form of Ukraine's accession to the EU. As indicated in the conclusion, this would provide the European Union with a permanently strong position in Eastern Europe.

This article focuses on the solidarity of EU member states with the so-called "front" country, Greece, which found itself during the migration crisis in 2015 and in the following years on the most burdened East-Mediterranean route, i.e. the route by sea from Turkey to Greece and onwards to various European Union countries. Refugees from Syria but also from Iraq and
Afghanistan continue to arrive along this route. The destinations for boats carrying immigrants and refugees via Turkey to Greece are the islands in the Aegean Sea including the island of Lesbos whereon the infamous Moria camp still plays a special role. The island which hosts Moria is the subject of European solidarity research with Greece. The structure of this article consists of three parts. The fi rst discusses the principle of solidarity which, like any community, lies at the heart of the European Union. Part Two deals with the migration crisis and its challenges regarding the solidarity of EU Member States from Greece. The third part focuses on the humanitarian consequences of the lack of solidarity between EU member states and Greece. The source material is scientifi c publications on the EU, information from EU portals and press agencies and their recordings of developments in Greece related to the infl ux of immigrants along the Eastern Mediterranean route along with the author's own observations
of the Moria camp during a visit at the end of November 2019. This article also partly refers to the new humanitarian challenges arising in the context of the situation of immigrants on their way to Europe during the Coronavirus pandemic (COVID-19).

The purpose of this paper is to analyze the specificity of institutional changes taking place in the framework of European integration, with particular emphasis on the crisis. Have these changes been increasingly often introduced by non-democratic methods in order to improve their efficiency? Regardless of whether they are gradual (incremental) or radical, are they implemented as a result of informal and discreet agreements reached in the restricted circles of the political and official elite, and bypassing citizens? Can one refer to national democracy without harming the progressing integration of the Old Continent? The analysis is based on two examples – the amendments to EU treaties concluded by the establishment of the Lisbon Treaty in 2007 and expanding the powers of the European Central Bank at the time of the eurozone crisis. ; The purpose of this paper is to analyze the specificity of institutional changes taking place in the framework of European integration, with particular emphasis on the crisis. Have these changes been increasingly often introduced by non-democratic methods in order to improve their efficiency? Regardless of whether they are gradual (incremental) or radical, are they implemented as a result of informal and discreet agreements reached in the restricted circles of the political and official elite, and bypassing citizens? Can one refer to national democracy without harming the progressing integration of the Old Continent? The analysis is based on two examples – the amendments to EU treaties concluded by the establishment of the Lisbon Treaty in 2007 and expanding the powers of the European Central Bank at the time of the eurozone crisis.

It is said that parliamentary democracy is in crisis. As a manifestation of the crisis is the dilemma concerning parliamentarian's responsibility to the voters. The imperative mandate idea is a potential response to the problem. The author analyzes the pros and cons of this form of mandate and speculates how its regulation could look. Last but not least, an answer to the question: is the imperative mandate a proper solution in the contemporary constitutional system, especially if it is a better alternative than the regular one. ; Spotyka się pogląd, że demokracja parlamentarna jest w kryzysie. Za jeden z tego kryzysu przejawów można uznać problem z odpowiedzialnością parlamentarzystów przed ich wyborcami. Odpowiedzią na to może być koncepcja mandatu imperatywnego. Autor rozważa w artykule zalety i wady takiego rozwiązania, spekulując również na temat tego, jak regulacja tegoż mandatu mogłaby wyglądać, a także podsumowując odpowiada z uzasadnieniem na pytanie, czy we współczesnych realiach jest to lepsza alternatywa wobec dominującej koncepcji mandatu wolnego.

Artykuł omawia najczęściej występujące w literaturze przedmiotu style kierowania pracownikami, a także próbuje odpowiedzieć na pytanie o optymalny styl kierowania w sytuacji kryzysu w przedsiębiorstwie. Sytuacja ta jest niezwykle trudna zarówno dla kadry kierowniczej, jak i pracowników. Często decydującą rolę odgrywa tu czas. Dlatego też menedżerowie powinni przyjmować styl kierowania adekwatny do zaistniałej sytuacji. Czasami będzie to styl demokratyczny, zdecydowanie częściej autokratyczny. W opracowaniu zawarto wyniki badań empirycznych przeprowadzonych wśród 138 przedsiębiorstw znajdujących się w kryzysie. ; This article discusses the most common in the literature staff management styles, and tries to answer the question about the optimal management style in a crisis situation in the company. This situation is a very difficult for both managers and employees. Often, time plays a decisive role. Therefore, managers should take the leadership style appropriate to the situation. Sometimes it will be a democratic style, far more autocratic. The paper contains the results of empirical research conducted among 138 companies in crisis situations.

The article provides an analysis of the powers of the President of the Republic of Poland, which may have an impact on counteracting and moderating constitutional crises and constitutional rot. It aims to describe the potential actions that the head of state may take in a constitutional crisis to restore the stabilization of the state and the constitutional order with its values. The study also includes a reflection on the influence of the style of the presidency on the effectiveness of arbitration.