Suchergebnisse

La crisis sociocultural y económica de octubre de 2019 en Chile, profundizada por la pandemia del COVID-19, ha develado una serie de discriminaciones e inequidades sociales en el ejercicio de la profesión académica, que afectan con mayor fuerza a las mujeres. Lo anterior, interpela a repensar modelos alternativos de hacer academia y construir conocimiento, considerando la posición que ocupan estas y sus conceptualizaciones en el espacio universitario, cuestión que cobra especial relevancia en la excepcional coyuntura constitucional, si se busca resolver las problemáticas de la sociedad actual. Así, el objetivo de este artículo es reflexionar en torno a la situación de las mujeres en la educación superior y a los aportes teóricos de los feminismos ante la crisis de sentido de la academia en el contexto neoliberal. Bajo una lectura crítica-reflexiva de fuentes secundarias, enmarcada en una epistemología feminista, se construye el texto desde una estructura global de ensayo argumentativo. Se concluye que existen diversos aportes teórico-prácticos de los feminismos con potencial transformador, en tanto herramientas conceptuales que permiten comprender y hacer frente a la crisis de la universidad y del neoliberalismo, por lo que resulta urgente promover una plena igualdad de género en el espacio académico.

En el momento de crisis sanitaria, económica, política y social que atraviesa la humanidad, es importante recurrir a los hechos históricos y contrastarlos con la realidad actual, para de esta manera tener mayores argumentos interpretativos y de conocimiento sobre la misma. En esa línea, este artículo tiene como objetivo realizar un análisis de las consecuencias que trajeron para la humanidad, tanto la peste negra como la gripe española, así como los efectos que la Covid-19 hoy causa en algunos países en el marco de una crisis del capitalismo. De esta manera, será un aporte a los innumerables debates que sobre el tema se han ejercido en los diferentes campos, dentro y fuera de la academia. Su metodología se centra en recoger los aportes investigativos que se han realizado respecto a sus temáticas para llegar a un análisis cualitativo y comparativo de los efectos causados a la humanidad. Las pandemias estudiadas produjeron varias consecuencias sociales, económicas y políticas en el devenir histórico que posibilitaron a su vez ciertos cambios en las sociedades. La Covid-19, por su parte, ha evidenciado las debilidades del sistema capitalista en su forma neoliberal, varios países que han recurrido a la aplicación de este modelo no han podido sostener de una manera eficaz la emergencia sanitaria.

El principal propósito de este trabajo es conocer el grado de implementación de las directrices dictadas por las administraciones educativas durante la crisis del COVID-19 (curso 2019/2020) en los centros de Educación Secundaria obligatoria. Para ello se establece un estudio de corte cualitativo naturista que parte de una muestra de 7 docentes de diferentes centros educativos de la ciudad de Almería. Los resultados muestran que las directrices administrativas fueron muy genéricas, lo que llevó a problemas de adaptación a la docencia virtual, así como adaptaciones de las directrices de formación y evaluación en función de cada centro e incluso en función de cada docente. Como conclusión se hace hincapié en la necesidad de establecer directrices más claras por parte de la administración que permitan llevar a cabo procedimientos comunes que, aunque favorezcan la flexibilización en función de cada contexto, supongan un referente común para los diferentes centros educativos.

In 2017, the Swedish government took the initiative to conduct a country­wide information campaign with the aim of informing the citizens on what to do in the event of a serious crisis or war. In this article the effects of this information campaign are studied through a unique panel survey with identical surveys sent out immediately prior to the campaign and two weeks after the campaign. Concerning the effect, the level of responsibility for civil preparedness ascribed to different actors increased after the campaign, including the responsibility of the citizens. This effect is significant. However, the study reveals no significant effect on the lev­ els of trust with the trust in different authorities and their civil preparedness remaining on a mid­level before as well as after the campaign. Moreover, we do not see any general proof of higher risk perceptions or higher fear of threats as a result of the campaign, with the im­ portant exceptions of fear of measures to destabilise democracy and severe power cuts. In the article it is argued that despite current trends of strong individualisation with effects on media consumption and respect for authorities, the Swedish campaign illustrates that it is still possible to reach the greater part of the population with vital information and also, to at least some extent, affect attitudes.

This dissertation examines key characteristics and factors shaping the leadership style of Swedish Prime Ministers (PMs). Based on the research of the American presidency, an interactionist framework is developed which draws upon institutional theory and political psychological theory. The analysis is advanced by exploring multiple sources and is based on four cases of leadership styles: two single party Social Democratic PMs, Ingvar Carlsson and Göran Persson, as well as two center/right coalition PMs, Thorbjörn Fälldin and Carl Bildt. Leadership style is studied through a focused comparison of the PMs' performance of four functions. Thus, the four PMs are studied as staffers and organizers of the cabinet and the Government Offices, decision makers, communicators and crisis managers. The results indicate that the office of the PM is elastic, accommodating a wide-ranging variation of leadership styles. The Social Democratic PMs display the most uniform leadership styles, but, rather surprisingly, they also have the most dissimilar leadership styles among the four cases. The center/right PMs' approaches differ to a great extent from one another, displaying mixed forms of leadership styles. The analysis explains how the PMs' leadership styles are shaped based on the interaction between their distinct personal characteristics and surrounding institutions. Thus, the dissertation concludes that leadership theories developed in a presidential setting are largely applicable in a parliamentary setting and that political behavior is not dictated by institutions such as formal structures or norms. The results encourage a reassessment of how personality, as an explanatory factor, is applied in mainstream political science. Furthermore, the analysis highlights the need for reconsidering the presidentialisation thesis and the notion of dominant leadership as there are alternative pathways to prime ministerial influence which are disregarded in the debate.

[Three decades of populist radical right parties in Western Europe: So what?]The populist radical right constitutes the most successful party family in post-war Western Europe. Many accounts in both academia and the media warn of the growing influence of populist radical right parties, the so-called right turn of European politics, but few provide empirical evidence of it. This article by Cas Mudde provides a first comprehensive analysis of the alleged effects of the populist radical right on the people, parties, policies and polities of Western Europe. The conclusions are sobering. The effects are largely limited to the broader immigration issue, and even here populist radical right parties should be seen as catalysts rather than initiators. Despite their limited impact there is still reason to believe that the populist radical right parties might increase their influence in the near future. But even in the unlikely event that these parties will become major players in West European politics, it is unlikely that this will lead to a fundamental transformation of the political system. The populist radical right is, according to Mudde, not a normal pathology of European democracy, unrelated to its basic values, but a pathological normalcy, which strives for the radicalisation of mainstream values.Publication history: Translation of the article "Three decades of populist radical right parties in Western Europe: So what?" from European Journal of Political Research, volume 52, number 1 2013 (DOI: http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1475-6765.2012.02065.x).(Published 18 April 2016)Citation: Mudde, Cas (2016) "Tre decennier av populistiska radikalhögerpartier i Västeuropa", in Det vita fältet III. Samtida forskning om högerextremism, special issue of Arkiv. Tidskrift för samhällsanalys, issue 5, pp. 67–91. DOI: http://dx.doi.org/10.13068/2000-6217.5.3 ; Den populistiska radikalhögern är den mest framgångsrika partifamiljen i Västeuropa under efterkrigstiden. Från forskarhåll och i medierna har det länge varnats för det ökande inflytandet från de populistiska radikalhögerpartierna, vad man kallar en högervridning av den europeiska politiken, men det finns få tydliga empiriska belägg för utvecklingen. Cas Muddes artikel ger en övergripande analys av den populistiska radikalhögerns påstådda inflytande på folket, partierna, politiken och styrelseformerna i Västeuropa. Hans slutsatser kan beskrivas som lugnande. Partiernas påverkan är i stort sett begränsad till frågor om invandring och integration, och även i detta sammanhang bör de snarare ses som katalysatorer än initiativtagare. Trots en begränsad inverkan finns det fortfarande skäl att tro att populistiska radikalhögerpartier skulle kunna få mer inflytande inom en snar framtid. Men även om partierna osannolikt nog skulle lyckas bli stora aktörer i västeuropeisk politik, förefaller det inte troligt att detta skulle leda till en genomgripande förändring av det politiska systemet. Den populistiska radikalhögern är, menar Mudde, inte en normal patologi inom den europeiska demokratin, utan relation till dess grundläggande värderingar, utan snarare en patologisk normalitet, som strävar efter att radikalisera mainstreamvärderingar.Publiceringshistorik: Översättning av artikeln "Three decades of populist radical right parties in Western Europe: So what?" från European Journal of Political Research, volym 52, nr 1 2013 (DOI: http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1475-6765.2012.02065.x).(Publicerad 18 april 2016)Förslag på källangivelse: Mudde, Cas (2016) "Tre decennier av populistiska radikalhögerpartier i Västeuropa", i Det vita fältet III. Samtida forskning om högerextremism, specialnummer av Arkiv. Tidskrift för samhällsanalys, nr 5, s. 67–91. DOI: http://dx.doi.org/10.13068/2000-6217.5.3

How do governments cope with lurking crises that call for behavioral change among a wider citizenry? The global warming threat is a topical case in point. In this article, we explore the Swedish government response to the 1973 oil crisis, from which we draw lessons. In terms of policy instruments, Swedish policymakers deployed a twopronged, strategy. The government simultaneously initiated a package of quick/ soft as well as slow/hard instruments in the hope that the first package with information campaigns would be successful enough to make the second package with formal rationings redundant. The substantive goal was that the Swedes must save in homes, offices, and premises so that the large exporting industry should get the oil it needed to continue with full employment. The strategy worked. All pertinent actors, households as well as foreign oil concerns, heeded government persuasion efforts (sermons, a negotiated agreement) and took measures voluntarily. Why? One explanatory factor is the creative organization of the national crisis authorities. To a large extent, the strategy was implemented by organs stacked with a mixture of public agencies, private oil distributors and all kinds of organized non-governmental energy-use stakeholders to promote outreach, transversal co-creation, and collaborative governance. The government succeeded in its meaning-making efforts and created a strong narrative (sermon), which clearly pointed out the serious anticipated effects of the crisis in Sweden, according to which it became obvious that households and commerce needed to save energy in order to secure oil supply for industry to protect jobs and impede mass unemployment.

The Stockholm Conference 1972 drew the world's attention to the global environmental crisis. To the inhabitants of Sweden, however, this threat to the planet and to humanity was nothing new. Anyone who regularly read newspapers, listened to the radio, or watched the television news would have encountered the issues. Five years earlier, in the summer of 1967, things were very different. At that time, it was not at all self-evident that humans were in the process of destroying their own living environment. Hence, in a short period of time, a radical change took place: an 'environmental turn'. It had major and far-reaching consequences. But what was it that opened people's eyes to the environmental crisis? When did it happen? Who set the ball rolling? And what does this historical process mean for us today? David Larsson Heidenblad's book sheds new light on the emergence of modern environmentalism in Sweden and provides fresh insight to challenges that concerns us all.

[From clash of interests to symbiosis? Environmental policy and welfare in times of economic boom and recession]Global challenges such as climate change, the free flow of international capital, and growing political transnational cooperation, together with two major financial crises, have put pressure on the national welfare state during recent decades. During the same period, the concepts of sustainable development and ecological modernization have contributed with an understanding of economic growth and environmental awareness as complementary. In that context, Karin Edberg's article discusses whether environmental policy can be said to be part of the modern Swedish welfare state. Edberg makes use of the annual inaugural speeches given by the prime minister in connection with the opening of the Swedish parliament. This implies that the article's results rather than reflecting political practice points at issues of political interest and their articulation. Edberg shows how environmental questions have fluctuated between being a de-ideologized and normalized part of the political landscape, and a political watershed. Today, the idea of sustainable development is the glue that connects environmental policies with the welfare state – at least on a rhetorical level – and which makes the environment a consensus issue.Publication history: Published original.(Published 7 October 2016)Citation: Edberg, Karin (2016) "Från motsatsförhållande till symbios? Miljöpolitik och välfärd i ekonomiska upp- och nedgångar", in Arkiv. Tidskrift för samhällsanalys, issue 6, pp. 7–37. DOI: http://dx.doi.org/10.13068/2000-6217.6.1 ; Globala utmaningar som klimatförändringar, transnationella kapitalrörelser och politiskt gränsöverskridande samarbete har satt den nationella välfärdsstaten på prov under de senaste decennierna. Två större finansiella kriser har också de påverkat politikens utformning. Under samma tid har begreppen hållbar utveckling och ekologisk modernisering bidragit med ståndpunkten att tillväxt och miljömedvetenhet kan gå hand i hand. Utifrån den kontexten diskuterar Karin Edberg i sin artikel huruvida miljöpolitiken kan sägas vara en del av den nutida svenska välfärdsstaten. Till grund för sitt resonemang använder sig Edberg av de årliga regeringsförklaringar som ges av statsministern i samband med riksdagens öppnande. Detta innebär att artikelns resultat inte speglar politisk praktik utan snarare vilka frågor som anses vara i den politiska hetluften och hur de artikuleras. Edberg visar hur miljöfrågan pendlat mellan att utgöra en avideologiserad och normaliserad del av det politiska landskapet, och en politisk vattendelare. I dag är idén om hållbar utveckling kittet som binder samman miljöpolitiken med välfärdsstaten – åtminstone på en retorisk nivå – och som gör miljö till en konsensusfråga.Publiceringshistorik: Originalpublicering.(Publicerad 7 oktober 2016)Förslag på källangivelse: Edberg, Karin (2016) "Från motsatsförhållande till symbios? Miljöpolitik och välfärd i ekonomiska upp- och nedgångar", i Arkiv. Tidskrift för samhällsanalys, nr 6, s. 7–37. DOI: http://dx.doi.org/10.13068/2000-6217.6.1

The contemporary crises become increasingly complex, accompanied by more hostilities leading the infected societies to witness more unfortunate events, especially when political solutions are absent in war times or internal conflicts. The humanitarian sector, on the other hand, has to mitigate the severe effects of these crises on communities and provide assistance despite lack of funding and data. The action of UNHCR during the conflict in Syria has been taken as a case study due to the complexity of the situation in Syria. Contingency theory has been adopted within this study to investigate how does the humanitarian crisis in Syria impact the structure of UNHCR. Furthermore, contingency planning as a vital element to address emergencies effectively, enabling the organization to absorb shocks entirely or even partly, is adopted to investigate whether the UNHCR's crisis management is efficient or not. The study reveals that UNHCR's emergency preparedness planning is a sophisticated tool in meeting emergencies, particularly when adopting and implementing these plans on the ground and in coordination with the other stakeholders. Emergency preparedness planning has been observed to be an advantage to the organization primarily when the existing hazard or the predicable one is described as very dynamic. The case study discovers that UNHCR experienced extreme conditions in Syria, such as lack or absence of the data, funding gaps, and safety threatening. Despite these challenges, the organization developed an inclusive response action in which it collaborates with the other humanitarian organizations in Syria and involves the local communities to design site-oriented and more accurate plans.