Glavni je cilj ovoga rada ideološka analiza političkih govora G. W. Busha vezanih za rat u Iraku. Govori su analizirani kao oblik političkoga diskursa da bi se izdvojile leksičke, semantičke, retoričke i gramatičke strukture uporabljene u strategiji polarizacije pri predstavljanju postupaka dviju sukobljenih strana, iračkoga režima i američke vojske. Strategija polarizacije jedno je od osnovnih načela kritičke analize diskursa T. van Dijka, koja se u diskursu očituje u obliku ideološkoga četverokuta. To znači da u obliku diskursa kao što su ovi politički govori, u kojima su zastupljeni interesi dviju sukobljenih država, ideologija, nacija itd. možemo očekivati da će dobri postupci strane kojoj pripada govornik (naše strane) – biti naglašeni, a loši ublaženi, dok će dobri postupci druge strane (njihove) biti ublaženi, a loši naglašeni. Kritička analiza diskursa omogućuje osnovne načine prepoznavanja ovakvih struktura u različitim diskursima, a ovdje konkretno istražuje funkciju i utjecaj što ga te strukture imaju na Bushev politički plan, ali i na društvo u cjelini. ; The paper deals with the ideological analysis of G.W. Bush's political speeches delivered during the war in Iraq. The speeches were analyzed as a sort of political discourse with the purpose of recognizing lexical, semantic, rhetorical and grammatical structures used in the strategy of polarization when representing the actions of two confronted parties – Iraqi regime and American military. Polarization strategy is one of the basic principles of the T.van Dijk's Critical discourse analysis, which is expressed through ideological square. This means that in a kind of political discourse, as these speeches are, in which the interests of two confronted states, ideologies, nations etc. are presented, we can expect good actions of in-group to be emphasized and bad ones to be mitigated, whereas the good actions of out-group will be mitigated and bad ones will be emphasized. Critical discourse analysis offers the basic tools for recognizing such structures in different discourses, but in these political speeches it questions the function and influence which these structures have on Bush's political plan and on society as a whole.
U suvremenom zapadnom društvu terorizam je postao kulturalni simbol straha te je samim time postao referentni okvir za evaluaciju bilo kakvih drugih oblika ugroze ljudskoj sigurnosti. Pokušaji donošenja univerzalne definicije terorizma nikada nisu rezultirali uspjehom, a razlog tomu je njegova situacijska i pejorativna priroda te preklapanje s drugim formama političkog nasilja (gerilsko ratovanje, pobune i slično). Na tom tragu, prikazivanje određenih fenomena i događaja kao terorističkih može biti stvar subjektivne konstrukcije značenja tog pojma. Stoga je u ovom radu, uz metodu kritičke analize diskursa protuterorističkih strategija Europske unije i Sjedinjenih Američkih Država, prikazano kako se konstruira strah od terorizma u kolektivnoj svijesti zapadnog društva, te su komparativnom analizom utvrđene sličnosti i razlike u provođenju politike straha od strane zapadnih političkih elita. Rezultati analiza ukazuju kako se prikaz prijetnje koju terorizam predstavlja zapadnom svijetu ne temelji na činjenicama, nego na zamišljanju najgorih mogućih ishodišnih scenarija terorističkih napada. ; Terrorism has become a cultural symbol of fear in contemporary Western society and therefore a frame of reference for evaluation of any other type of threat to human security. Attempts to universally define terrorism have never been succesful because of its situational and pejorative nature and overlap with other forms of political violence (guerilla warfare, insurgency etc.). Consequently, representation of certain phenomena and events as terrorist can be a matter of subjective construction. Therefore, by applying method of critical discourse analysis to counterterrorism strategies of the European Union and the United States of America, it is shown how the fear of terrorism in collective consciousness of Western society is constructed. In addition, comparative analysis method shows similarities and differences in conduction of politics of fear by western political elites. Results of analysis indicate that the representation of terrorist threat to Western society is based not on facts but on imagining worst-case scenarios of terrorist attack.
The way we talk about complex and abstract ideas is abundant in metaphors. Many research studies have shown that even the most subtle metaphor can have a significant influence on the way people try to tackle various social problems. Thus, the assumption is that metaphors are not just a simple rhetorical tool, but also have a profound effect on how we conceptualize reality and respond to important social issues. In the last two decades, scientists have studied the impact of metaphorical framing on political discourse from different research perspectives. Metaphors are often used for framing political topics, and these metaphorical frames are considered to affect the way people regard these issues, perceive the world, and act, on both the individual and collective level. In accordance with these research studies, in this paper, we will regard the metaphor as a cognitive tool that classifies our conceptual system and enables the understanding of our experiences. The objective of this paper is to examine the use of conceptual metaphors in media discourse on the corona crisis and the earthquake crisis caused by the quake in Petrinja. The research was conducted in three steps, following the methodology of critical metaphor analysis (Charteris-Black, 2004). In the first step, the identification of metaphorical expressions was performed by using a big data corpus of articles published by Croatian web-portals from the beginning of the pandemic (from January 2020 to April 2021) and after the Petrinja earthquake (from 29 December 2020). In the second step, the dominant conceptual metaphors employed in communicating the two crises were interpreted. The results of this interpretation are that war metaphors are ubiquitous in reporting on the COVID-19 disease pandemic, and the apocalypse metaphor is used in reporting on the earthquake. In the third step of the analysis, the reasons and implications of the occurrence of these metaphors are explained. ; Način na koji razgovaramo o složenim i apstraktnim idejama prožet je metaforama. Mnoga istraživanja pokazuju da čak i najsuptilnija metafora može imati snažan utjecaj na to kako ljudi pokušavaju riješiti razne društvene probleme. Dakle, pretpostavka je da metafore nisu puki retorički alati, već da one duboko utječu na to kako konceptualiziramo zbilju i postupamo s obzirom na važna društvena pitanja. Tijekom posljednjih dvaju desetljeća znanstvenici iz različitih istraživačkih perspektiva proučavaju učinke metaforičnog uokvirivanja na politički diskurs. Metafore se često koriste za uokvirivanje političkih tema, a za te se metaforične okvire tvrdi da utječu na to kako ljudi razmišljaju o tim pitanjima, opažaju svijet i ponašaju se, na razini individualnog i kolektivnog. Na tragu tih istraživanja, metaforu u ovom radu shvaćamo kao kognitivno sredstvo koje ustrojava naš pojmovni sustav i omogućuje razumijevanje iskustva. Cilj je ovog rada istražiti upotrebu konceptualnih metafora u javnom diskursu vezanom uz koronakrizu i krizu izazvanu potresom u Petrinji. Istraživanje je provedeno u tri koraka, slijedeći metodologiju kritičke analize metafora (Charteris-Black, 2004). U prvom koraku, identifikacija metaforičnih izraza provedena je korištenjem velike baze podataka (big data corpus) objava s hrvatskih mrežnih portala nastalih u periodu pandemije (od siječnja 2020. do travnja 2021. godine) te za i nakon petrinjskog potresa 29. 12. 2020. U drugom koraku, interpretirane su dominantne konceptualne metafore korištene u medijskom komuniciranju tih dviju kriza. Rezultati te interpretacije pokazuju da su u slučaju epidemije bolesti COVID-19 sveprisutne metafore rata, dok se u izvještavanju o potresu koristila metafora apokalipse. U trećem koraku analize, nastojali su se objasniti razlozi i implikacije pojavljivanja tih konceptualnih metafora u medijskom diskursu.
Rad pokazuje filozofijski diskurs opasnosti od društva normalnih. Riječ je o razmatranju odnosa ludila i nenormalnosti važnih za društvo i političku zajednicu iz nekadašnje optike Michela Foucaulta i današnje perspektive Manfreda Lütza. Smisao je rada pokazati kako je pojam norme i iz njega proizašloga normiranja i discipliniranja doveo do imperativa zdravog društva utemeljenoga na normi. Takvo društvo isključuje sve one koji na bilo koji način odstupaju od ponašanja predviđenoga normom. U takvu se zahtjevu krije opasnost suvremenoga društva koje ne razlikuje nenormalnost i ludilo, nego ih koristi za diskreditiranje svojih članova koji ne pristaju na postavljeno normiranje. Radi se o tome da biti nenormalan samo znači kritički ne pristajati na postojeću normu koju je nametnula većina bilo da je riječ o pravnoj, političkoj, društvenoj, vjerskoj, obrazovnoj, odgojnoj ili medicinskoj normi. Na temeljima Foucaultovih filozofskih i Lützovih psihologijskih uvida rad pokazuje kako opasnost po društvo ne predstavljaju oni koji po bilo čem odstupaju od norme nego upravo oni »normalni«, koji kao nosioci »normalnoga« društva nekritički pristaju i provode normativni poredak. ; The paper presents a philosophical discourse on the dangers of the society of normal persons. It is about the importance of relation between madness and normality within the society and the political community from the former Michel Foucault's optics and today's Manfred Lütz's perspective. The purpose of this paper is to show how the concept of the norm, and accordingly of the normalisation and discipline, leads to the imperative of the healthy society based on norms. Such society excludes all those who in any way deviate from the behavior predicted by the norm. Such request is the danger of modern society that does not differentiate abnormality from insanity, but use them to discredit its members which refuse to be subordinate. To be abnormal means only to be critical toward the norm that is set by majority, whether is it a legal, political, social, religious, educational or medical norm. On the foundations of Foucault's philosophical and Lütz's psychological insights, the thesis shows that the danger to society are not those who deviate from the norm, but the "normal people" who, as bearers of "normal" society, uncritically accept and implement the normative order.
Članak se bavi karakterom i zastupljenošću etničkoga diskursa u srbijanskim opozicijskim glasilima Demokratija i Srpska reč u periodu 1990./1991. Jedno od pitanja koje razmatra ovaj rad odnosi se na preispitivanje teze o nepostojanju relevantne političke alternative tzv. nacionalnom programu Slobodana Miloševića i njegove političke partije u Srbiji u predvečerje raspada Jugoslavije. ; A statistical analysis of the presence of ethnic discourse (ED) and its subcategory, discourse of ethnic intolerance (DEI), in the party organs Demokratija and Srpska reč shows the indisputably different political character and physiognomy of these two papers. Namely, the average presence of ED in the Srpska reč in the period from June 1990 to June 1991 was four times higher, and the prevalence of DEI ten times higher, than in the Demokratija. In addition to the varying prevalence and character of their ED content, these two organs were fundamentally different as regards the character of their remaining contents. In the Serbian Renewal Movement's organ, the predominant part of the remaining discourse consisted of revisionist serials and essays dedicated to promoting the Chetnik Movement. These texts made up as much as half of the contents of individual issues of the monthly Srpska reč. Putting together all the pro-Chetnik contents and the ED contents of the Srpska reč, we can conclude that, on average, over 60 percent of each issue's contents were exceptionally irrational, conservative, and nationalist. On the other hand, after its first few issues, the Demokratija preserved an ethic of responsibility and a critical stance towards the social reality and political situation in the country. After these first few issues, the ethnic discourse in this organ was present only as a precedent and derailment, and was not a commonplace of political rhetoric, unlike in the case of the Srpska reč. The leadership of the Democratic Party certainly played a role in setting up these standards of civil discourse in this organ but, paradoxically, it often also took responsibility for sharpening the 'national' line of reasoning within the frame of (forced) political pragmatism. Đinđić's or Mićunovićev's ethnic discourse from August 1990 and May 1991 was not supported by a corresponding change in the physiognomy of the paper, which remained predominantly rational, critically oriented, civil, and socially responsible. The analytical verification of facts in this paper certainly supports the thesis of Dubravka Stojanović from 1996 that there was no alternative to this programme in Serbia, at least not within the frame of these two most relevant opposition parties. Furthermore, this paper indicates that, in the summer and autumn of 1990 and in May 1991, the rhetoric of the party leaders of the Serbian Renewal Movement and Democratic Party attempted to be—and often was—more belligerent than Milošević's. As regards almost all questions of the internal order of Yugoslavia, and especially regarding the status of the autonomy of Kosovo and the regulation of the position of Serbian people outside Serbia, the solutions advocated by the opposition were more radical than the ones advocated by Slobodan Milošević's regime.
A good number of authors and theorists dealing with heritage and memory claim that organized oblivion is largely present in the society, so one might conclude accordingly that every society consciously forgets. The carriers or executors of this project of oblivion often seek to erase the entire memory of an "enemy" by destroying heritage, thus seeking to force those who have inherited and preserved it to forget it. In this article, I have sought to point out that historical artefacts are part of the process of social oblivion, which also raises the following question or topic: can history be constructed and reconstructed from the history of amnesia, rather than the history of memory? The process of "facing loss, that is destruction" is still in its infancy as a heritage practice and policy, and often limited to acknowledging the problem rather than responding to it. The salvage paradigm that permeates the heritage discourse is fundamentally based on a system that implies, at the same time, the sacrifice and loss of less valuable cultural achievements in order to protect and conserve the more valued ones. These questions and dilemmas are fundamentally political and boil down to the decision which stories/objects to preserve, celebrate and remember, and which to forget. Illustrating the concepts of destruction and oblivion on the examples of devastated Zadar, Split's Peristyle, the Old Bridge in Mostar, and finally the anti-fascist monuments, I have sought to indicate and establish that places of absence can also be places of memory, and that heritage is performative in its nature. Historical buildings are not meaningful and significant inherently, in themselves, but become significant only when they are socially construed through a performative act. ; Dobar dio autora i teoretičara koji se bave baštinom i memorijom tvrdi da je organizirani zaborav u velikoj mjeri prisutan u društvu, pa bismo, shodno tomu, mogli zaključiti da svako društvo svjesno zaboravlja. Nositelji ili izvršitelji projekta zaborava često nastoje izbrisati čitavo sjećanje "neprijatelja" destrukcijom baštine čime se želi prisiliti one koji ih baštine i čuvaju da ih zaborave. U ovom članku nastojat ću uputiti na to da povijesni artefakti sačinjavaju dio procesa društvenog zaborava što ujedno otvara i sljedeće pitanje-temu: može li se povijest konstruirati i rekonstruirati iz povijesti amnezije, a ne povijesti memorije? Proces "suočavanja s gubitkom, tj. destrukcijom" u baštinskoj je praksi i politici još uvijek u povojima i češće se odnosi na priznavanje problema nego na sam odgovor na problem. Paradigma spasitelja koja prožima baštinski diskurs je fundamentalno utemeljena na sustavu koji podjednako implicira žrtvovanje i gubitak manje vrijednih kulturnih ostvarenja nasuprot zaštiti i konzervaciji više vrijednih ostvarenja. Ova pitanja i dileme su fundamentalno politički i svode se na odluku: koje priče/objekte očuvati, slaviti i zapamtiti, a koje zaboraviti? Objašnjavajući pojmove destrukcije i zaborava na primjerima porušenog Zadra, splitskog Peristila, Starog mosta u Mostaru i, naposljetku, antifašističkih spomenika, pokušala sam uputiti i utvrditi da i mjesta odsutnosti mogu biti mjestima memorije, te da je baština po svojoj prirodi performativna. Povijesne građevine, naime, nisu same po sebi inherentno smislene i bitne, već postaju važne samo onda kad su društveno konstruirane kroz performativni čin.
Gender and sexuality in the Croatian educational context occasionally resurface in the public discourse due to political instrumentalization but are largely neglected as a research topic. To address this absence, this paper presents original data on high-school and university experiences of queer persons collected in critically oriented research which examines social inequality of queer individuals in the Croatian educational institutions. Based on these data and drawing parallels with previous studies in an international context, the authors outline a theoretical approach that conceptualises gender and sexuality as interdependent social processes. Through showing how educational institutions actively marginalise persons of non-normative gender and sexual orientation, the authors point to the importance of conceptualising the everyday life of queer persons in education as a source of knowledge about these processes by highlighting the complex relationship between gender and sexuality – which authors do by establishing theoretical and methodological collaborations between sociology, queer theories as well as critical and institutional ethnography. The study's findings suggest that educational institutions have a mediating role in creating inequality based on gender and sexual differences since they function as spaces privileging heterosexuality and heteronormativity. This results in an ambivalent status of queer gender expressions and sexualities as they are simultaneously a subject of public negotiation and stigmatization and hidden in the private sphere of each person. (In)visibility and (non)acceptance of non-normative gender expressions and sexualities in the Croatian educational context imply a continuous process of managing one's identity between institutional and personal spheres of action. ; Teme roda i seksualnosti u obrazovnom kontekstu zbog političke instrumentalizacije povremeno su prisutne u javnom diskursu, ali su istraživački nedovoljno zastupljene. To osobito vrijedi za izvorna i kritički usmjerena istraživanja koja bi utvrdila kako obrazovne institucije u Hrvatskoj pridonose društvenoj nejednakosti queer osoba. Ovim se člankom pokušava nadomjestiti ta podzastupljenost teorijskom raspravom o konceptualizaciji roda i seksualnosti kao međuovisnih osobnih i društvenih procesa te prikazom rezultata istraživanja u kojem je taj pristup korišten. Kako dosadašnje spoznaje u međunarodnom kontekstu pokazuju, obrazovne institucije imaju aktivnu ulogu u procesima marginalizacije osoba nenormativne queer rodne i seksualne orijentacije, zato je nužno razumijevanje obrazovne svakodnevice kao izvora znanja o tim procesima kroz promišljanje isprepletenosti roda i seksualnosti. Ta isprepletenost u svrhu istraživanja društvene nejednakosti nastale na temelju rodne i seksualne različitosti mora teorijski i istraživački povezati sociologiju, queer teorije te kritičku i institucionalnu etnografiju. Na taj se način uspostavlja cjeloviti teorijski i metodološki pristup koji je korišten u istraživanju srednjoškolskog i visokoškolskog obrazovnog iskustva queer osoba u Hrvatskoj. Rezultati istraživanja pokazuju da obrazovne institucije imaju posredničku ulogu u stvaranju nejednakosti na temelju rodnih i seksualnih različitosti. Obrazovne su institucije ponajprije prostor koji privilegira heteroseksualnost i heteronormativnost, dok su queer izričaji roda i seksualnosti s jedne strane predmetom javnog označavanja i stigmatiziranja, a s druge strane predmetom prisiljavanja na privatnu i skrivenu sferu. Ne/vidljivost i ne/prihvaćanje nenormativnih rodnih izričaja i seksualnosti za queer osobe u hrvatskom obrazovnom kontekstu predstavlja trajan proces pregovaranja između institucionalnih i osobnih domena djelovanja.
Cilj rada je razjasniti pojam transcendentalno-aktivističke kreativnosti kao i razmotriti mogućnosti i preduvjete njezine realizacije u odgojno-obrazovnom procesu. Rad započinje opisom 'slike' prirode učenika koja se smatra potrebnom za praktičnu realizaciju ovog oblika kreativnosti. Pritom se naglašava činjenica ljudske nesvršenost i mogućnost kontinuiranoga razvoja. Kao metoda ostvarenja transcendentalno-aktivističke kreativnosti preuzima se dijalog shvaćen kao otvoreno iskazivanje i dijeljenja vlastitih misli, ideja i težnji s drugim ljudima bez skrivanja i straha od mogućih neuspjeha ili neugodnih iskustava. Budući da se institucionalizirani odgojno-obrazovni proces odvija u učionicama, opisuje se učionica kao zajednički prostor nade koji omogućava demokratsko angažiranje i borbu za promjene situiran u kontekstu širih zajedničkih prostora demokratskoga i aktivističkoga djelovanja. Demokratizacija učionica omogućava postavljanje socijalnih pitanja, prelaženje granica te kritičko propitivanje dominantnoga neoliberalnog diskursa te je stoga neophodan element aktivistički shvaćene kreativnosti. Dijalog kao sredstvo, i dijaloški pristup kao metoda kreativnog djelovanja, usmjereni su poništavanju efekata prevladavajućega elitističkog shvaćanja koje kreativnost prikazuje izoliranu od društva i namijenjenu posebno imaginativnim pojedincima. U radu se iskazuje stav kako nije vjerojatno da će u skoroj budućnosti doći do promjene dominantnoga shvaćanja kreativnosti u odgojno-obrazovnom procesu koje kreativnost promatra kao transformaciju postojećega. Razloge za ovakvo stanje nalazimo u dominantnom ekonomsko-političkom uređenju društva u cjelini, te odgojno-obrazovnoga sustava kao jednoga od društvenih podsustava. ; The aim of this paper is to clarify the notion of a transcendental-activist creativity as well as to consider the possibilities and preconditions for its realization in the educational process. The paper begins with the description of the 'image' of pupil's nature that is considered necessary for the practical realization of this form of creativity. The experience of human non-completion and the possibility of continuous development is emphasized. Dialogue, as a method of practical realization of transcendental-activist creativity, is understood as an open expression and sharing of one's own thoughts, ideas and aspirations with other people without hiding and fear of possible failures or unpleasant experiences. Since the institutionalized educational process takes place in the classrooms, the classroom is described as a shared space of hope which enables democratic engagement and struggle for changes in the context of the wider shared spaces of democratic and activist action. Democratization of classrooms, which is a necessary element of transcendental-activist creativity, creates a climate that sets the necessary conditions for discussion of social issues, crossing of preconceived boundaries and critical questioning of dominant neoliberal discourse. Dialogue as a medium and a dialogic approach as a method of creative agency is directed to the reversal of the effects of a traditional elitist concept of creativity that is treated isolated from a wider society and addressed exclusively to particularly talented individuals. The author feels that it is unlikely that in the near future a change in the dominant conception of creativity in the educational process will occur and therefor creativity will continue to be predominately defined a transformation of the existing. Reasons for this state of affair are situated in the dominant economic and political mode of organization of the society as a whole, and the educational system as a one of social subsystems.
Autori članka propituju zašto je pojam postdemokracije postao sporan iako je tek nedavno uveden u raspravu. Ovaj pojam se koristi kao model intepretacije aktualne krize demokracije. Collin Crouch uvodi ovu poziciju u svojoj knjizi Postdemokracija. Na istom je tragu Sheldon Wolin koji drži da je postdemokracija vrsta demokracije koji je na djelu u postmoderno doba. Neovisno o njihovim razlikama, obojica smatraju da je aktualna kriza demokracije poseban fenomen. Međutim, izgleda da ona i nije toliko posebna pojava, prije svega, u europskim kontinentalnim demokracijama. Tako je još pedesetih godina prošlog stoljeća Hans Kelsen pisao o autorima koji su tada pokušavali redefinirati demokraciju na isti način na koji to rade današnji teoretičari postdemokracije. Isto diskurs kao i isti lijek (više demokracije u ekonomskoj sferi) može se pronaći mnogo prije Drugog svjetskog rata. Štoviše, ima mnogo primjera u kojima je narod u zadnjih 200 godina, u ime demokracije, tražio novu ravnotežu s predstavničkom demokracijom. Autori članka smatraju da Jacques Rancière nudi prikladnije objašnjenje ovog problema. On naime ne pronalazi postdemokraciju samo u postmodernom dobu ili u poretku koji nastupa nakon predstavničke demokracije nego uvijek kad se javlja 'legitimiranje demokracije nakon demosa'. ; The authors try to show why the concept of post-democracy has already become contestable even though it was only introduced recently. The concept of post-democracy has been used as a critical model to interpret the crises of democracy in last twenty years or so. Collin Crouch outlines this attitude in his book Post-democracy. Sheldon Wolin also occupies a similar position. He speaks about post-democracy as a democracy functioning in the postmodern era. Regardless of their differences both authors believe that today's crises of democracy is specific. It seems that today's crises of democracy is not particularly new, especially for the continental European democracies. Even in the 1950s Hans Kelsen was writing about such authors who tried to redefine democracy because of its crises between the two world wars. They used a similar discourse on democracy as that which is been used by some theoreticians of post-democracy. We can also find the same discourse on 'the crises of democracy' and the same cure (greater democracy in the economic sphere) much before the 2nd World War. Moreover, there are a lot of examples in which people, in the name of democracy, try to find a new balance with representative democracy in last 200 years. The authors find that Jacques Rancière offers a more appropriate explanation of this problem. He doesn't find post-democracy only er in the postmodern era, or in an order that comes after representative democracy but every time when there is 'legitimization of a democracy after demos'.
U radu se raspravlja o prisutnosti i aktualnosti filozofskog, dakle kritičkog promišljaja fenomena psihe i psihijatrije na geo-povijesnom tlu Republike Hrvatske, s metodološkim fokusom na: reprezentativne autore, spise i inicijative relevantne za navedeni diskurs, prisutnost sistematskog provođenja obrazovanja u sklopu fakultetskih kurikuluma, te izdavačku aktivnost tematski usmjerenu na problematiku psihe. Usmjerit će se i na domenu odnosa filozofije i psihe/psihijatrije u povijesnoj mereološkoj konstelaciji, njezin značaj za filozofiju psihe, kao i kategorički neodvojivi odnos filozofije i izučavanja psihe per se. Autor uvodi tezu da je filozofija psihe idealan misaoni poligon na kojem se isprepliću rudimentarni filozofijski disciplinarni smjerovi u rasponu od hermeneutike, fenomenologije, ontologije, epistemologije, logike, pa do socijalne i političke filozofije, filozofije egzistencije i etike. Kao idealni znanstveno-filozofski meritor predlaže se orijentacijska disciplina integrativne bioetike kao teleološki most za sjedinjavanje navedenih filozofskih disciplina. Pritom je naglasak na predmetu fenomena života, koji je evaluiran u analogiji sa semantikom predsokratovskog pojma ψυχή (psukhe). ; The paper discusses the presence and actuality of the philosophical, and therefore critical, think-ing of the phenomena of psyche and psychiatry in the geo-historical space of the Republic of Croatia. Its methodological focus is on: representative authors, writings and initiatives relevant to the mentioned discourse, the presence of systematic education within the faculty curriculum, and the publishing activity focused on the issues ofpsyche. The focus will be on the relationship between philosophy and psyche/psychiatry in the historical mereological constellation, on its importance for the philosophy of psyche, as well as the categorically inseparable relationship between philosophy and the perception of psyche. The author introduces the thesis that the philosophy of psyche is an ideal thinking polygon upon which rudimentary philosophical disciplinary directions are intertwined, ranging from hermeneutics, phenomenology, ontology, epistemology, and logic, to social and political philosophy, the philosophy of existence, and ethics. As an ideal scientific-philosophical descriptor, I suggest the discipline of integrative bioethics, which I look at as a teleological bridge for combining these disciplines. The emphasis will be on the subject of life phenomena, which I look at in an analogy with the pre-Socratic semantics of ψυχή (psukhe) as the dialectical synthesis of mind (nousj) and body (soma).
Ovaj rad bavi se analizom položaja Makedonije koja kroz kritičke leće europskog odnosno eurocentričnog pogleda i geopolitičku kontekstualnost na području Balkana ima značajke subdrugosti. Uzimajući u obzir dosege postkolonijalnih teorija i moguću primjenu određenih koncepata (drugost, hibridnost, mimikrija, ambivalencija, egzotizacija, samokolonizacija, itd.) u analizi položaja Makedonije kao dijela postsocijalističkog prostora, rad posebno istražuje načine na koji se tijekom zadnja dva desetljeća uspostavlja i održava identitetska razlika Makedonije u odnosu na europski prostor i druge države Balkana. Posebni fokus je stavljen na istraživanje suvremenih diskurzivnih praksi kojima se Europska unija koristi pri održavanju identitetske razlike Republike Makedonije pri čemu se historijska diskurzivna analiza (Wodak, 2011) pokazala prikladnom metodom. U tom cilju napravljena je analiza medijskih članaka s Internet stranica EUObserver i EURACTIV za vrijeme političke krize (od listopada 2016. do lipnja 2017.) uslijed nepriznavanja rezultata parlamentarnih izbora u Makedoniji. Ovaj rad donosi zaključak o paralelnom koloniziranju Makedonije kroz proces europeizacije, i to putem delegitimiranja identitetskih značajki njezinog nacionalnog identiteta od strane Europske unije i od strane njezinih susjeda. Zaključno, analizom se došlo do dvije razine europskog pogleda – prva je definirana problemima vezanima za proces pristupanja Makedonije Europskoj uniji, dok je druga definirana diskursom o nedostatku demokratičnosti kao zalogom dugoročne drugosti. ; This paper deals with the analysis of the position of Macedonia, which displays characteristics of subalternity through the critical lens of a European or Eurocentric view and geopolitical contextuality in the Balkans. Taking into account the scope of postcolonial theories and possible applications of its particular concepts (subalternity, hybridity, mimicry, ambivalence, exoticisation, self-colonisation, etc.) in the analysis of the position of Macedonia as a part of a post-socialist space, the main focus of the paper is the research of ways in which the identity difference of Macedonia in relation to Europe and other Balkan states during the last two decades is established and maintained. Special focus is placed on the research of modern discursive practices which the European Union uses in the reproduction of identity differences of Macedonia, where historical discursive analysis (Wodak, 2011) proved as an appropriate method. Analysis of media articles from the EUobserver and EURACTIV websites during the political crisis (October 2016 to June 2017) due to recognition of parliamentary election results in Macedonia has been conducted. This paper offers conclusions about the parallel colonisation of Macedonia through the process of Europeanisation, by means of delegitimizing identity characteristics of its national identity by the European Union and its neighbours. In conclusion, the analysis reached two European worldviews – the first is defined by problems related to the process of entering the European Union, while the other is defined by a discourse about the lack of democracy as collateral for long-term subalternity even after entering the EU.
Razvoj digitalne tehnologije otvorio je vrata novim mogućnostima stvaranja i prenošenja informacija u različitim oblicima uz pomoć digitalnih medija. Civilno društvo sve češće preuzima i javne usluge koje država prestaje ili više ne uspijeva pružati te je svojevrsni korektiv državnim institucijama, osobito kada su one slabe i nedjelotvorne. Takve društvene promjene stavljaju pred građane i civilno društvo velik izazov. Internetski mediji, posebno društvene mreže, zahvaljujući mogućnosti interaktivne komunikacije na određen način utječu na razvoj političkoga aktivizma kod građana. Pomak od konvencionalnih medija (novine, televizija) na nekonvencionalne (internet) omogućava decentralizaciju komunikacije, otežava kontrolu i restrikcije i čini informacije te razmjenu mišljenja i stavova široko dostupnima. Tako se građanima preko društvenih mreža pruža prilika da sudjeluju u javnome diskursu, iznose mišljenja i stavove te raspravljaju o političkim i društvenim pitanjima. Nekada viđeni samo kao pasivni konzumenti, gledatelji postaju aktivni sudionici kao građani – izvor informacija (Perišin, 2004), što uvelike utječe na interakciju među građanima i razvoj kritičnoga mišljenja. Napredak tehnologije i razvoj društvenih mreža, također, omogućavaju lakše umrežavanje te poticanje razvoja određenih građanskih inicijativa. Time se ujedno otvaraju nove mogućnosti jačanja potencijala organizacija civilnoga društva za mobilizaciju građana za sudjelovanje u društveno korisnim programima i projektima, kao i općenito prostor podrške razvoju civilnoga društva. Svrha je ovoga rada istražiti kako upotreba internetskih medija odnosno društvenih mreža utječe i potiče razvoj građanskoga aktivizma i civilnog društva. ; The evolution of digital technology has opened the door to new means of creating and passing information in various forms with the help of new media. Civil society often takes over public services that the state does not or cannot provide, and serves as a sort of corrective for state institutions, especially if the institutions are weak or ineffective. Such social changes are a great challenge to citizens and civil society. Due to their potential for interactive communication, online media, and particularly social networks influence the development of political activism. The transition from conventional media (newspaper, television) to unconventional (internet, social networks) enables the decentralisation of communication, hinders restrictions and control as well as makes the exchange of opinion and information widely accessible. Through social networks, citizens are allowed to participate in public discourse, present their opinions and thoughts, and discuss political and social matters. Once seen as pure passive consumers, the viewers now become active participants as citizens – the source of information (Perišin, 2010), which has a great impact on the interaction between citizens as well as the development of critical thought. The very advancement of technology and the evolution of social networks enable easier networking and encourage certain civic initiatives. This in result opens up new possibilities for the strengthening of the civic initiative's potential for citizen mobilisation towards participating in socially beneficial programs and projects as well as opening up new space for the support of civil society. The purpose of this paper is to investigate how the use of Internet media, i.e. social networks, affect and stimulate the development of civic activism and civil society.
Empirijsko analitički pristup znanosti šumarske politike primijenjen je na primjeru specijalnog rezervata prirode "Koviljsko-Petrovaradinski Rit" (Srbija) s ciljem sveobuhvatne analize korisnika, njihovih interesa i potencijalnih sukoba interesa. Istraživanje je provedeno od kolovoza 2017. do kolovoza 2018. godine. Procjena intenziteta interesa identificiranih korisnika temelji se na kvalitativnoj analizi sadržaja i kritičkoj analizi te kombinaciji tehnika triangulacije, logičkog zaključivanja, indukcije i dedukcije. Unosom procijenjenog intenziteta interesa korisnika (vlasnici šuma – država i privatni šumovlasnici; zaposleni u šumarstvu; poduzeća/institucije – drvna industrija, pokrajinski sekretarijat, itd.; građani) u analitičku shemu jasno se mogla izdvojiti zona sukoba između korisnika s vrlo jakim interesom za korištenje drvne mase (Vojvodinašume, crkva, prerada drva) i korisnika koji pripadaju interesnom polju očuvanja/zaštite prirode (institucije zaštite prirode, građani). Uz navedeno, država tj. Vojvodinašume su u unutarnjem sukobu, jer (također) imaju vrlo snažan interes za proizvodnju drva s jedne strane i za zaštitu prirode s druge strane. Kako bi uravnotežila interese, država/pokrajina je u prednosti jer rješenje može potražiti interno, ali analitička shema pokazuje i da će rezultat neizbježno dovesti do sukoba s drugim korisnicima (drvnom industrijom ako se poveća opseg zaštite ili zaštitom prirode ako se pojača sječa drva). Koncept zaštitnih zona pokazuje trenutni kompromisni paket između zainteresiranih strana (stroga zaštita 6%, aktivna zaštita 29% i korištenje drva 65%), koji će opstati dok ga država bude mogla podržati političkim mjerama. Empirijsko analitički pristup omogućio je sveobuhvatni uvid u korisnike i interese vezane za Rit, a metodološka postavka je uz zaključake relevantne za daljnja znanstvena istraživanja stvorila osnovu za aktivniju komunikaciju rezultata s praksom. ; This study, based on modified Schusser´s sequential method, was conducted from August 2017 to August 2018 with the aim of using accessible and familiar case example from Serbia to verify the claim of forest policy science - that users, their interests and potential conflicts of interest can be comprehensively identified and analysed while applying empirically analytical approach. On the example of special nature reserve Koviljsko-Petrovaradinski Rit the intensity of user´s interest is assessed based on qualitative content analysis and critical reasoning in combination with the techniques of triangulation, induction and deduction. By entering the estimated intensity of user interests into the analytical sheme (users categorized as forest owners- state/province and private, forestry employees, enterprises/institutions and citizens), the first conflicting zone was identified between the very strong interests in forest utilization (priority of profitable timber harvesting) and the interest field comprising the very strong and strong user interests for nature conservation. In addition, the state/province (public enterprise Vojvodinašume) is in an internal conflict, having (also) a very strong interest in wood production (creating revenues) on the one hand and in nature conservation on another. In order to balance them (towards the general social interest), the state/province has an advantage of being in the position to look internally for a solution, but the analytical scheme also shows how potential changes could trigger conflicts with other users (wood industry if protection is increased or nature protection actors if logging intensifies). The current solution of protection zones, divided into strict protection 6%, active protection 29% and profitable use of wood 65%, reflects the actual compromise package between the state/province andinterests of remaining users, which will last as long as the state/province is in the position to support it with available political means.Whereas individual discourses take into account only partial aspects, the current approach has provided a comprehensive insight into Rit´s actors and interests. Methodological set-up of existing theoretically-based analytical categories has offered conclusions relevant for further research, forming at the same time a strong basis for more active communication of results with practice: users can more clearly perceive each other's positions and evaluate own abilities to act, while searching for the implementation concepts that work in practice.
Pri analizi dvaju suprotstavljenih narativa povezanih s temom uspostave vojske Europske unije (EU) u europskom medijskom i političkom prostoru u ovome radu upotrebljava se teorija sekrutizacije te se temeljem analize diskursa i javnog mnijenja dokazuje da suprotstavljeni narativi ispunjavaju uvjete da ih prema definiciji Kopenhagenske škole svedemo pod pojam sekuritizacije. Prema autorima Kopenhagenske škole, sekuritizacija je govorni čin kojim provoditelj sekuritizacije do tada nepolitizirani odnosno politizirani predmet debate prikazuje kao egzistencijalnu prijetnju prema referentnom objektu koja zahtijeva hitne mjere. Prvi narativ koji rad analizira je neizvjesna sigurnosna situacija u Europi i oko nje koja bi mogla prerasti u egzistencijalnu prijetnju društvu Europske unije i europskom identitetu zbog nepostojanja vojske Unije. Drugi, tome oprečni narativ pak interpretira uspostavu vojske Europske unije kao egzistencijalnu prijetnju NATO savezu i suverenitetu država članica Unije. Rad postavlja pitanje je li sekuritizacija upotrebljiva poluga u nastojanju provođenja odnosno blokiranja čvršće intergracije EU na području obrane. Analizom diskursa glavnih aktera, provoditelja sekuritizacije i sigurnosnih strategija EU, Velike Britanije i Sjedinjenih Američkih Država te analizom prihvaćanja narativa od strane publike, rad zaključuje da su ti oba narativa činovi sekuritizacije. Prvi narativ, sekuritiziran od strane europskih federalista na čelu s predsjednikom Europske komisije Jean-Claudeom Junckerom, kao referentne objekte koji se pod hitno moraju zaštiti postavlja društvo EU i europski identitet. Egzistencijalna prijetnja referentnim objektima dolazi od ruske politike, ali i neizvjesne sigurnosne situacije u neposrednom susjedstvu EU-a. Ovaj narativ kao rješenje nameće uspostavu vojske EU-a. Drugi narativ, sekuritiziran od strane euroskeptika, NATO saveza te političkih elita Velike Britanije, SAD-a i Rusije, kao referentne objekte koji se pod hitno moraju zaštititi postavlja suverenitet država članica EU i opstanak NATO saveza koji se nalaze u egzistencijalnoj prijetnji od strane uspostave vojske Europske unije, čija bi uspostava oduzela nacionalne vojske tj. suverenitet država članica u području obrane, a postojanje NATO saveza učinilo izlišnim ; The thesis proves that around the establishment of the European Union army, we can infer two opposing narratives in European Union's media and political space and that both meet the conditions to be called a securitization. The first narrative (positive securitization) that the thesis analyses argues that the precarious the security situation in and around Europe could become an existential threat to the society of European Union (EU) and European identity because of the paucity of the EU army. The second narrative (negative securitization) that the thesis analyses interprets the establishment of the EU army as an existential threat to the North Atlantic Alliance (NATO) and the sovereignty of EU member states. Securitization is defined through the Theory of Securitisation by the scientists belonging to Copenhagen School (Barry Buzan, Ole Wæver and Jaap de Wilde) as a speech act by which an actor (securitizing actor) presents a specific issue, until then only politicised in the political or public space, as an existential threat to the referent object that requires extraordinary measures. For a speech act to be an act of securitization and not just an attempt of securitisation, public (or a target group) needs to accept the speech as such. Thus, the Theory of Securitization affirms that the chosen narratives are acts of securitizations through discourse analysis and public opinion analysis. Elements of securitization are before mentioned securitization actor, referent object and public, as well as functional actors, which indirectly affect security decisions by lobbing or directing the securitization actors, and context, as a speech act cannot be an independent factor in the securitization process but is dependent on historical, political, societal, economic, geographic, and other variables. The principal difference between Theory of Securitisation and the mainstream security theories: Traditional Security Studies (TSS) and Critical Security Studies (CSS), is that Theory of Securitization is not concerned if the issue that a speech act wants to present as a security issue, really is a security issue, but how a speech act presents the issue as a security issue. Unlike the Theory of Securitisation, TSS is a realistic security theory that examines is the issue a real security threat while CSS is a constructive security theory that examines the reality of security threat. Both, TSS and CSS, analyze already present security threat, while Theory of Securitisation analyses the creation of the security threat. Positive securitisation, the precarious security situation in and around Europe that could become an existential threat to the society of the EU because of the paucity of the EU army, is securitised by European federalists headed by European Commission President Jean-Claude Juncker and HR/VP Federica Mogherini. Referent objects that are in urgent need of protection are the EU society and the European identity (values and principles) that are in the existential threat of Russia and uncertain security situation in the immediate neighbourhood of the EU. As a solution for the existential threat, securitising actors impose the establishment of the EU army. Functional actors of positive securitisation are stakeholders in the European defence industry who have a purely economic reason for the backing of positive securitisation, and European elite which advocates the federalisation of the European Union. The prime public, core target group, for the positive securitisation should be the Heads of 28 EU member states who make decisions concerning Common Security Defence Policy (CSDP). As the decisions concerning CSDP must be unanimous, and some member states, mostly United Kingdom (UK), steadily use the instrument of veto to block further development of the CSDP, the thesis assumes that the securitising actors of positive securitisation decided to expand the target group for their securitisation onto European Union society as a whole. Reasons behind the expansion of the target public, which thus makes the whole society of the European Union a the public is a pressure onto the Heads of EU member states since the citizens of the EU have a very favourable opinion about the further development of the CSDP and mostly positive opinion regarding the establishment of the EU army. Negative securitisation, which interprets the establishment of the EU army as an existential a threat to the NATO and the sovereignty of EU member states, is a complex form of securitisation. Instead of one securitising actor or one group of securitising actors with the same motive (European federalist with Juncker as champion in positive securitisation), negative securitisation is securitised by several securitising actors without the leading champion with sometimes the same and sometimes different motives: Eurosceptics, NATO, decision-makers in the United Kingdom, the United States (US) and Russia. Furthermore, negative securitisation accumulates the referent objects that are in urgent need of protection: the sovereignty of the EU member states and the survival of the NATO alliance. The only element of the negative securitisation that is unambiguous is the existential threat from the establishment of the EU army whose establishment would take away the national armies, i.e. the sovereignty of the EU member states and made the NATO alliance vulnerable. Hence, for the sake of simplicity of understanding the elements of negative securitisation and their synergy, the thesis uses the Classical Security Complex Theory (CSCT) for the proper consideration of the patterns of the security connections. Using discourse analysis of the speech acts and official documents the thesis shows how the decision-makers in the US (regardless of their political affiliation) securitise the establishment of the EU army as an existential threat to NATO and future of Atlantic security cooperation. Same is evident with the NATO as a securitising actor. The decision-makers in the UK (mostly conservatives) securitise the establishment of the EU army and further development of CSDP as an existential threat to the national sovereignty of EU member states. Russia too securitises the establishment of the EU army as an existential threat to the national sovereignty of EU member states but does the deed backstage financially supporting nationalist and Eurosceptic EU parties and via cyber-attacks and disinformation campaign. Functional actors of negative securitisation are stakeholders in the non-EU defence industry and other industries which prosper due to unstable global security situation, private military organisations, non-independent think thanks, etc. The public for the negative securitisation is the Eurosceptic part of the EU society, but the core target group are the citizens of the UK. Securitising actors of the negative securitisation narrowed the public of their securitisation for the same reason why the securitising actors of the positive securitisation broaden theirs – decisions concerning CSDP must be unanimous. Consequently, the securitising actors of the negative securitisation to be successful in their securitisation need to persuade only citizens of the UK that their narrative is correct. As already mentioned, the Theory of Securitisation analyses the creation of the security threat, so very important for the understanding of the results of discourse analysis is the context behind the construction of the securitisation. In the case of the securitisations analysed in the thesis, the contexts of both narratives have foundations in the conflict between neorealist and neoliberal doctrines in foreign politics, different security strategies of the countries, and change in a global security system, as well as historical, political, societal, economic, geographic and other variables. No EU member state can be a superpower on its own in today's world. This notion and aim to hinder the possibility of another armed conflict in Europe prompted the creation of the Union. After more than 60 years of enlargement and integration, the EU is an economic superpower. Nevertheless, to protect its economic superiority as well as to impose its doctrine in foreign politics and expand its multilateral security strategy, the EU needs to be and defence union. This idea is not a new one but exists and was attempted to be implemented from the beginning of the EU existence. The securitising actors of the positive securitisation believe that with the establishment of the EU army, the EU can keep the US hegemony in the global security system and the Russian renewal of bloc-system aspirations under control. Some securitising actors of the positive securitisation also believe that the further integration of the EU is necessary to prevent the disintegration. Above all, is the strong desire of the EU elite for the federation of the EU. Expectedly, not least because of the postulate of the security dilemma, the US and Russia are afraid of the military-strong EU which could change the current global security system, while the UK believes that with the strengthening of the EU its military and political strength will wane or disappear. As the UK is the EU member state and its citizens are the most Eurosceptic the public in the EU, both and the US and Russia focused most of their securitisation's efforts toward the UK's citizens. The US also uses the UK as a tool of disruption in the EU – it's right to veto decisions about the further development of CSDP, integration of the EU in the defence field and the establishment of the EU army. The thesis hypothesises that the two opposed narratives that the thesis considers to be securitisations have generated the status quo in the development of CSDP. Through the discourse analysis of speech acts and the official documents of securitising actors of both narratives as well as analysis of the acceptance of narratives by the audience (public opinion analysis), the thesis positively answers the research question: Is the securitisation theory usable the instrument in the effort to implement/block more effective EU integration?