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This article offers an updated revision of the research field commonly known as Critical Discourse Analysis (CDA). First, some sensitive aspects related to its multidisciplinary and dissident nature are clarified. Then a triangulated theoretical framework, which is based on the relationship among discourse, cognition, and society is presented. The ways in which hegemonic groups control text and context and, consequently, people's minds, and the macro and micro dimensions of social structures where such discursive control is embodied -being its most prominent forms of domination power abuse and social inequality- are addressed through this theoretical framework. Later, some researches of CDA on discourse and gender, discourse and racism, discourse and media, political, professional and institutional power are revised. The article concludes pointing to certain theoretical and methodological pending issues, which highlight the necessity to count on a manifest cognitive interface, and a suitable integration between linguistic and sociopolitical approaches, and a more explicit analysis of counter hegemonic or resistance discourses, among others. ; Este artículo proporciona una revisión actualizada de un campo de investigación conocido comúnmente como Análisis Crítico del Discurso (ACD). Primero se esclarecen algunos aspectos sensibles asociados con su carácter multidisciplinar y disidente. Luego se introduce un marco teórico triádico basado en la relación entre discurso, cognición y sociedad, con el cual se abordan los modos como los grupos hegemónicos controlan el texto y el contexto y, en consecuencia, la mente de las personas, las dimensiones macro y micro de las estructuras sociales donde dicho control discursivo se manifiesta, y sus formas de dominación más prominentes como son el abuso de poder y la desigualdad social. Después se repasan algunas investigaciones de ACD sobre discurso y género, discurso y racismo, y discurso y poder mediático, político, profesional e institucional. Se concluye apuntando ciertos pendientes teóricos y metodológicos, que enfatizan la necesidad de contar con una interfaz cognitiva manifiesta, una adecuada integración entre orientaciones lingüísticas y sociopolíticas, y una atención más decidida hacia discursos de contrapoder o resistencia, entre otros.

Dieses Buch bietet zum ersten Mal eine auf dem Fundament der Kritischen Diskursanalyse stehende internationale Sammlung feministischer Studien, die sich umfassend mit aktuellen Geschlechterhierarchien auseinandersetzen und dabei zwei Aspekte in den Vordergrund rücken: Auf der einen Seite zeigen die Beiträge die Hartnäckigkeit nach wie vor existierender Ungleichheiten zwischen den Geschlechtern auf. Auf der anderen Seite betonen sie deren heterogene und vielschichtige Ausformung je nach institutionellem, kulturellem und geographischem Kontext. Indem die Aufsätze gegenwärtige Strukturen und Ideologien der Vergeschlechtlichung verdeutlichen und die fortbestehende Relevanz von Geschlechteridentitäten und Restriktionen, denen Frauen weiterhin in ihrem alltäglichen Leben unterworfen sind, ausleuchten, stellen sie herrschende post-egalitäre Annahmen zum aktuellen Geschlechterverhältnisses infrage. Dabei werden diese Geschlechter-Aspekte auch in ihrer Verzahnung mit anderen Herrschaftsstrukturen diskutiert, die in den jeweiligen lokalen Kontexten, in denen solche Identitäten hergestellt, verhandelt oder herausgefordert werden, involviert sind. Mit seinen diskursanalytischen Einsichten in den Zusammenhang von Macht, Geschlecht und Ideologie ist der vorliegende Band hinsichtlich der daraus resultierenden theoretischen und analytischen Folgerungen für die feministische Forschung wie für die Kritische Diskursanalyse von besonderer Bedeutung.

The article analyzes how hostility is legalized in different societies and which narratives and discourses are used to make the dominant state ideologies acceptable for citizens. The authors use critical discourse analysis methodology to compare the main narratives of (a) the establishment of communism that was dominant in the Soviet Union and (b) the anti-terrorism movement in the first decade of the 21st century, used in the spread of democratic ideology and justification of the actions of different countries. The Cold War rhetoric in the Soviet Union meant the linguistic militarization of life: war rhetoric interdiscursively invaded everyday life though the language of the media and thus became the language of describing everyday life. After the events of September 11, 2001, a new global confrontation was constructed. During the Soviet Union period we fought against international imperialism; now we fight against international terrorism. Both main narratives, the one of the Soviet Union and the one formulated by George Bush (Jnr), are phrased by the political elite and made legitimate through mass media. Both narratives are characterized by euphemistic use of language, because military activity is justified by the need to defend democratic values.

Based on the approach known as the "Critical Analysis of Discourse", thisarticle brings into scene two of the most relevant aspects of a researchcarried out between 2003 and 2005 that responded to the Law 2912 issued bythe "Ministerio de Educación Nacional de Colombia".On one hand, this text aims to show that argumentation, either as schematicstructure or as organizational array of discourse, is one of the resources thatbest testifies the mobilization of ideological positionings. For the level of argumentation we find support in Toulmin [1993] and Perelman & Olberchts-Tyteca [1989]. For the level of socially shared beliefs, we use the MultidisciplinaryTheory of ideology proposed by van Dijk [1999]. On the other hand,the text also aims to point out the way recent Colombian Governments havehiddenly been incorporating neoliberal trasnformations in order to reach, nomatter the cost, the labour flexibility of teachers. ; Desde el enfoque conocido como Análisis Crítico del Discurso, el artículoque sigue pone escena dos de los aspectos más relevantes de una investigaciónrealizada entre los años 2003 y 2005, a raíz de la expedición del Decreto2912 por parte del Ministerio de Educación Nacional de Colombia.Por una parte, este texto busca mostrar que la Argumentación, bien comoEstructura esquemática o bien como Modo de organización del discurso, esuno de los recursos que mejor da testimonio de la movilización de posicionamientosideológicos. Para el nivel de la argumentación nos apoyamos enToulmin [1993] y en Perelman y Olbrechts-Tyteca [1989]. Para el nivel de lascreencias socialmente compartidas nos servimos de la Teoría multidisciplinariade la ideología propuesta por van Dijk [1999]. Por otra parte, el textotambién busca llamar la atención sobre la manera como los gobiernos colombianosrecientes vienen incorporando soterradamente transformaciones decorte neoliberal con el firme propósito de alcanzar al precio que sea la flexibilidadlaboral del magisterio.

This study provides a critical discourse analysis of election advertisements in Jordanian society before and after the political uprisings in the Arab world, referred to as the "Arabic Spring", which started in 2011. It is argued here that these events have left traces on political advertisement. This study aims to uncover the shifts in discourse that have occurred in election advertisements since 2011. To this end, a sum of 150 advertisements from three election campaigns 2007, 2010 and 2013 was collected from different media sources during the campaigns of those elections. The data were analyzed both qualitatively and quantitatively. The analysis showed that the advertisements of 2013 elections manifested different strategies, addressing mostly sociopolitical issues, compared to the other two elections which showed little political concern and focused on socio-economic issues. It is hoped that this study will contribute to cross cultural understanding, multimodality and critical discourse analysis.

The historical development of contemporary capitalism has produced an environmental crisis of global dimensions. The predominance of harmful capital technology determines the deployment of the capital productive forces that overexploit and pollute nature in ways never seen before. In this context, the present study aims to advance towards the reconstruction of the ecological streak of Marxism from Marx's critical discourse, distancing itself from both the hegemonic imaginaries of sustainability. An exploratory analysis of documents was followed to present the arguments that both Conventional Economics (CE) and environmental economics deploy to try to explain contemporary environmental devastation, and subsequently, from this impotent criticism and prey to the logic of the market and value as a social form, it goes on to structure the hegemonic imaginaries of sustainability. In this sense, this paper argues for the need for the critical and scientific discourse of Karl Marx to think about the environmental devastation and the objective conditions of possibility for ecological capitalism; thus, it was possible to address the ecological and political-libertarian dimension of Marx's thought and the task of developing it to break with the hegemonic views of sustainability; and overcome the series of misrepresentations and misstatements that have been made to an alleged anti-ecological view of Marx. The study concluded that, while the struggle for the environment has become somewhat urgent, this front does not replace that of the class struggle; that is, the contradiction between capital and nature does not subordinate to the contradiction between capital and labor but, on the contrary, updates it. Therefore, the validity of Marx's critical discourse is essential, in its genesis and development, to make an ecological criticism of the economics and politics of contemporary capitalism.

"In Latin America, Teun van Dijk is likely the most read theorist of critical discourse analysis (CDA). Equally important is the book 'Methods of Critical Discourse Analysis,' edited by Ruth Wodak and Michael Meyer. Published in English for the first time in 2001, a second edition appeared in 2009. In this article my proposal is to compare both editions to illustrate continuities and ruptures between them and note the most important innovations I observe in the more recent edition. The analysis comprises the chapters focused on the theoretical and methodological bases of CDA and on the 'discourse-historical approach' developed by Wodak and colleagues. I observe that the concerns of CDA are still the same; for example, the analysis of power or interdisciplinary work. At the same time, it is noticeable that during the past several years, CDA has become a well established method with world-wide dissemination. Issues of theory and methodology, such as concepts and categories of analysis have been improved and clarified, e.g. the famous 'discursive strategies.'" (author's abstract)

La Lingüística Queer (LQ) se centra en la investigación de las relaciones entre el lenguaje-en-uso y la sexualidad, partiendo del marco metodológico y teórico que proporciona la teoría queer. El Análisis Crítico del Discurso (ACD), por su parte, abarca una amplia gama de aproximaciones al discurso abiertamente políticas en su agenda investigadora, asumiendo de antemano la relevancia de ciertos macrotemas (entre ellos la identidad sexual y de género). Estas características lo hacen idóneo para el estudio de las consecuencias lingüísticas de la hetronormatividad como macro- tema que afecta a todos los contextos y que es el objeto central de la LQ. A pesar de esta compatibilidad de agendas, el ACD ha sido hasta fechas recientes solo marginalmente utilizado para los propósitos de la LQ. Este trabajo pretende provocar una reflexión sobre la sinergia entre ambas disciplinas, y mostrar su inmenso potencial pedagógico y transformador en el ámbito educativo. ; Queer Linguistics (LQ) focuses on the investigation of the relationships between language-in-use and sexuality, based on the methodological and theoretical framework provided by the queer theory. Critical Discourse Analysis (CDA), on the other hand, covers a wide range of approaches to discourse openly political in their research agenda, assuming in advance the relevance of certain macro-themes (among them sexual and gender identity). These characteristics make it suitable for the study of the linguistic consequences of heteronormativity as a macro- theme that affects all contexts and that is the central object of LQ. Despite this compatibility of agendas, the ACD has until recently been only marginally used for the purposes of the LQ. This paper aims to provoke a reflection on the synergy between both disciplines, and shows its immense pedagogical and transforming potential in the educational field.

The language of the newspaper is emerged by beliefs, speech and writing practices (Joseph, 2006). To analyze the hidden meaning behind the newspapers' text of election span 2018 in Malaysia and Pakistan, Norman Fairclough (1995) theory of Critical Discourse Analysis (CDA) is applied on news reports of 'Malaysiakini', 'The New Straits Times' (independent and mainstream online newspapers from Malaysia), 'Dawn' and 'The News' (as independent and mainstream online newspapers from Pakistan). The selected dates for analysis of news reports are 2nd May 2018 to 15th May 2018 in Malaysia, whereas; in Pakistan are 18th July 2018 till 31st July 2018, two weeks each respectively. The twenty-five (25) news reports are selected based on social actors on issue 'corruption'. The social actors are 'Dr. Mahathir Mohamad' and 'Najib Razak' from Malaysia, whereas; in Pakistan are 'Imran Khan' and 'Nawaz Sharif', who are analyzed on the social semiotic framework of van Leeuwen (2005). The data is analyzed through Transitivity Analysis from Systematic Functional Linguistics (SFL) by Halliday, which is based on the edited work of Matthiessen (2014). Independent online newspapers of both countries have shown liberal and fair representation to all social actors, in contrast; mainstream newspapers' linguistic choices are more inclined towards ruling private political interests.

El propósito de este artículo es vincular los campos de la educación y de la comunicación con los estudios del discurso, con una perspectiva integradora. El vínculo se establece por dos vías: la de la propia trayectoria en este campo de confluencia, como educadora e investigadora, y la de los desarrollos conceptuales para el análisis de políticas y prácticas educativas. Dicha integración permite tanto profundizar el conocimiento de fenómenos del campo educativo, como enriquecerlo con categorías que ayuden a comprender los nuevos procesos. ; The purpose of this article is to link the fields of education and communication to discourse studies, using an integrative approach. The link is established in two ways: that of the own trajectory in this field of confluence, as an educator and researcher, and the conceptual developments for the analysis of educational policies and practices. This integration allows both, a deepen understanding of phenomena of Education, and enrich it with categories to help to understand the new processes. ; Facultad de Periodismo y Comunicación Social

Pensar un análisis crítico del discurso desde una perspectiva decolonial significa, ante todo, la puesta en cuestión de la historicidad de la colonialidad/imperialidad/modernidad en términos de reciprocidad. Por esto afirmamos la importancia política de asumir la interdiscursividad como praxis metodológica y hegemónica. Nos posicionamos de forma crítica y heterodoxa respecto a los aportes decoloniales a través de tres propuestas principales: (1) Pensar la subalternidad en términos contradictorios y no dicotómicos. Queremos proponer un análisis crítico y decolonial del discurso −con las categoría de antropofagia y codigofagia− para rescatar la subalternidad en tanto que praxis política, interdiscursiva y extradiscursiva, en los procesos históricos, epistémicos, y sociales. (2) Reflexionar sobre el poder político representado por la metáfora de la codigofagia y antropofagia en relación a la problemática del situacionismo discursivo, con el objetivo de reiterar los peligros y las limitaciones de una geopolítica del conocimiento. (3) Afirmar que la imperialidad es la cara visible de la colonialidad, con el objetivo político de denunciar los conflictos discursivos y extradiscursivos constitutivos de las nuevas formas de dependencia, de desigualdad social y de injusticia cognitiva. ; Critical discourse analysis from a decolonial perspective means first of all questioning the historically-determined reciprocity of coloniality/ imperiality/ modernity. For this reason, we affirm the political importance of interdiscursivity as a methodological praxis. We position ourselves critically and heterodoxically on the decolonial contributions through three main proposals: (1) Assuming subalternity in contradictory and non-dichotomical terms, we propose a critical and decolonial discourse analysis – through the categories of the anthropophagy and codigophagia, to rescue subalternity as a political, interdiscursive, and extra-discursive praxis in historical, epistemic and social processes; (2) We claim the political power of the ...

El estudio de la lengua en uso ha sido abordado por diversas corrientes, cada una con una perspectiva característica: están las descriptivas –que detallan componentes de la lengua-, las normativas –que defienden el respeto riguroso a la gramática-, aquellas con análisis estructurales –que proponen un desmembramiento de la lengua en formas autónomas y observables- y las pragmáticas –en las que se observa cómo los emisores del texto implícitamente manifiestan sus opiniones sobre el tema abordado en contextos sociales, políticos, históricos y culturales-. Con la masividad de los medios de comunicación y el acceso a la información que brindan las nuevas tecnologías, el presente artículo pretende hacer una reflexión teórica acerca de cómo en los actuales contextos culturales y prácticas sociales, la Pragmática y el Análisis Crítico se centran en estudiar el modo en que el orden social regula la producción de discursos, su circulación y valor desigual según el poder de los grupos dominantes, acciones que van más allá de tareas analíticas de corte semántico. ; The study of the language in use has been approached by diverse currents, each one by a singular perspective: there are the descriptive ones -which detail components of the language-, the regulations -which defend the rigorous respect to the grammar-, those with structural analysis -which propose a dismemberment of the language in autonomous and observable forms- and pragmatic ones -in which it is observed how the issuers of the text implicitly express their opinions about the topic approached in social, political, historical and cultural contexts-. With the mass media and the access to the information that there offer the new technologies, the present paper intends to make a theoretical reflection about how in the current cultural contexts and social practices, Pragmatics and Critical Discourse Analysis create links that allow us to analyze how the social order regulates the production of discourses, their circulation and unequal value according to the power of the dominant groups, actions that go beyond semantic analytic tasks.

The aim of this paper is to reflect on the theoretical tools that critical discourse analysis provides to an understanding of the phenomenon of suicide. Two discussions are central to defining the foundation for that relationship. First, a critical examination of the relationship between different mass media platforms and the idea of imitation as it pertains to suicidal conduct is proposed. Subsequently, suicide is approached as a practice that is interpolated by social, political, and cultural constructions, not solely limited to psychopathology. Finally, the role of critical discourse analysis generates an understanding of suicide that problematizes the hegemonic narratives produced by the epistemological and political demands of technoscience. ; El presente artículo tiene como objetivo reflexionar acerca de las herramientas teóricas y metodológicas que ofrece el análisis crítico del discurso para la comprensión del fenómeno del suicidio. En este sentido se proponen dos discusiones que son centrales para comprender esta relación. En primer lugar, se plantea una crítica sobre las formas de comprender la relación entre suicidio y los medios de comunicación desde la idea de la imitación. Posteriormente se discute la importancia de concebir el suicidio como una práctica atravesada por construcciones sociales, políticas y culturales que no se limita de manera exclusiva la psicopatología. Finalmente se expone cómo el análisis crítico del discurso puede generar modos de comprender el suicidio que relativicen los discursos hegemónicos a que dan lugar ciertas exigencias de carácter epistemológico y tecno-científico.

This paper aims to explore the potential of political cartoon discourse for creativity, critique and persuasion, in the representation of social actors and events and in the evaluation of the consequences of Brexit. The paper focuses on the use and interaction of metaphors, metonymies, blending strategies, and cultural models in cartoons depicting the Brexit conundrum, from the perspective of Critical Metaphor Analysis (CMA) (Charteris-Black 2011; Musolff 2012) and Multimodal Critical Discourse Analysis (MCDS) (Machin 2013). The case study adopts an integrated multifaceted framework in the analysis of a representative sample of cartoons selected from quality newspapers, published in the UK. The aim is to reveal the synergistic interplay in: (a) the use of metaphors, metonymies, blending strategies, and cultural models in the depiction of social actors, phenomena and events; (b) the features of creativity in the expression of political commentary by professional cartoonists (novelty, recontextualization); and (c) the role of political cartoons in the critique and challenge of political power, by creating counter-narratives and acting as vehicles of persuasion.

From the gender perspective, this article proposes a theoretical and methodological approach to Critical Discourse Analysis applied to the political and subaltern discourses contemplated as communication and social interaction practices. Considering the centrality of the communication and discourse by itself; the analyzed corpus includes the Government Plans of the political parties that participated in the2017 election campaign in Ecuador, and other alternative discourses that propose a variety of activism in their own forms of communication. In conclusion, this inquiry shows the limits of liberal-type democracy in their discourses, the use of antagonistic discursive resources and the dimensions of power as an attribute of gender in texts. ; Desde el enfoque de género, este artículo propone una apuesta teórica y metodológica de Análisis Crítico del Discurso aplicado al discurso político y al discurso subalterno considerados estos como prácticas de comunicación y de interacción social. Atendiendo a la centralidad de la comunicación y propiamente al discurso, el corpus analizado consideró los Planes de Gobierno de los partidos políticos participantes en la campaña electoral 2017 en Ecuador y otros discursos alternativos que proponen una suerte de activismos en sus propias formas de comunicación. Como conclusión, el trabajo muestra los límites de la democracia de tipo liberal en sus discursos, el uso de recursos discursivos antagónicos y las dimensiones del poder como atributo de género en los textos.