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The article presents a review focusing on key issues discussed within the disciple of moral education. It is regarded as a subsystem of education policy, and in a wider sense, public policy. It shows the main phenomenon, trends, ongoing discussions as well as conceptual disputes in two Anglo-Saxon countries as well as in Poland. The type and content of the article results from the fact that the Polish scientific literature almost lacks the texts dedicated to moral education. This kind of issues is partially analysed with pedagogy but its conceptual frame is different from that of public policy. The latter is focused on the school perspective and its potential to influence students' attitudes and values.

The author has made an attempt to theoretically - by referring to empirical evidence - formulate the necessary conditions that allow participatory processes to happen. In this perspective, participation is not only an ethical requirement but primarily a mechanism that supports taking up the challenges posed by the increasing complexity of the social world. The examples presented in the article show that participation has a very strong 'competitor': clientelism. In the spaces where the latter forms the base of the relations between the government and society, it is difficult to find a well-rooted and sustainable presence of participatory processes. The author thus presents a hypothesis that the logic of clientelism, together with the lack of the ability to recognise the importance of resource interdependence, has the ability to weaken participation, or in other words, wash it out in a specific way. Clientelism strives to maximise the control over resources. This can, in some cases, support the realisation of development goals or be effective in particular governmental arrangements (e.g. the transformation in Poland in the 90s of the 20th century), however, it also deepens the passivity and in the long run can lead to a decrease in the value of some resources or even their loss. In this context, participation is thus understood mainly as an expression of caring for the owned and acquired resources and as the recognition of their interdependence.

The author analyses the factors that weaken the influence of the principles of meritocracy on the institutions and public policy. He indicates that a meritocratic approach to governance in the programming of public actions has become a resource for obtaining legitimacy of power in Poland to a limited extent. The advantages of meritocracy (the "efficiency" and "justice") have not been exploited on a significant scale. As a result, there is a significant illegitimacy of the democratic system, as well as the weakening of the society identification with the state. This phenomenon is characterized by low prestige of politicians and a poor voter turnout. The author draws attention to the fact that meritocratic management mechanisms of public institutions in Poland are significantly reduced due to numerous factors - the appropriation of the state by political parties, institutional nomadism of the elite, the rules of political capitalism, a soft state and the institutionalization of non-responsibility or activities of various interest groups and backstage actors of politics.

This article examines the role of trust in decision-making processes, which involves major interest groups, representing the world of work and business. This process is often referred to as the concept of social dialogue, which is generally defined as all forms of negotiation and consultation between the trade unions and employers and the state. In this formula, dialogue can be regarded as a mechanism of public policy making. The first part of the article is a short presentation of links between social dialogue and public policies. The second part addresses the issue of trust, which is a prerequisite for high quality and effective social dialogue. The quality and effectiveness of dialogue are correlated with the price, which participants have to pay for taking part in the dialogue and its outcomes. This is an issue of transaction costs, which are determined by "trust capital". The third part examines contribution of trust to the cost effect of social dialogue. The study concludes with a presentation of the research, conducted among trade unionists and employers who have, inter alia, assessed the role of trust in dialogue.

The aim of the study is to analyze the issues of midterm and snap elections during the COVID-19 pandemic in Poland. In particular, the nature of such elections was considered. Numerous restrictions including, for example, the prohibition of assembling or movement of people, had an impact on the course and implementation of the basic functions of elections. The aim of the paper is also to determine whether, in the light of the applicable regulations, it is permissible to change the date of voting in the ordered local elections during the COVID-19 pandemic. It should be noted that in the period from March to April 2020, and then from November 2020 to June 2021, this practice became almost universal. The resolution of this problem is of significant importance, as each act ordering elections should guarantee the holding of elections within a strictly defined time and, moreover, every action of the proper body should be based on legal provisions. The practice of postponing voting in local elections, which occurred during the pandemic, weakened the so understood (as of a guarantee) nature of the act of ordering elections, at the same time inspiring a discussion on the legal admissibility of such actions. In this study, the formal and legal method was used and the achievements of the doctrine and judicature were analyzed.

Social dialogue focusing on the problems of work does not deliver a sufficient area of communication for all citizens. It is important, therefore, to note that civil dialogue develops and permits to look at social problems in a wider manner as well as to include various partners to decisions made by the public authorities. Therefore, the aim of this paper is to present civil dialogue in a theoretical and practical way. For that reason, making the detailed objectives of the study, we turn our attention to the relationship between social and civil dialogue, as well as the methods of civil dialogue. In the second section we wish to investigate one of these methods – namely, public consultation in a theoretical way. The third part of this paper describes a case study analysing an information meeting over the Lower Silesian participatory budget. In the final section we conclude our reflections about civil dialogue. The paper uses data from scientific literature, acts as well as the case study – observations and interviews with the participants of the consultative meeting.

The purpose of the paper is to study the actions undertaken by the European institutions, aiming at a larger openness of resources, such as cultural works, scientific publications and educational materials, as well as to examine the motivations and results thereof. The European Union, being the area of production of a significant number of works belonging to each of the aforementioned categories, views these resources as strategic to its development. Thus it has taken diverse measures in order to maintain an appropriate balance between the public (social) interests, understood as open access to the resources, and the private interests, prioritising the protection of the owner's rights. The paper demonstrates that these actions are not uniform due to a diverse character and standing of these resources in the economy. The first instruments regarding scientific and educational resources had been implemented ten years before the implementation of legislative measures concerning the cultural products. Hence the public interests, meaning users' access, were treated as more important than the private proprietary rights.

The article is focused on the issue of the representation of interests in the process of shaping public policies. In particular, it addresses issues related to regulatory management regarding relations with interest groups and strategies used by stakeholders in consultation processes. In addition, we aim to discuss the role that interest groups play in public policies. The analysis concerns the activities of Polish interest groups in the area of copyright, which deserves attention due to the diversity of actors and the asymmetry of interests. The analysis makes it possible to state that the actions taken by stakeholders in strengthening the representation of their interests lead to "overrepresentation" of these interests, which - in the absence of appropriate regulatory management mechanisms for the participation of parties in consultations - increases the risk of the phenomenon of "regulatory capture" by entities. The data was collected as part of the legislative monitoring of drafts of legal-copyright laws proceeded in 2013-2019, as well as semi-structured interviews conducted in 2015-2018. In order to illustrate lobbying strategies, a method of analyzing social networks was used.

The author claims that the development of the discipline of policy analysis and the professionalization of state activities in policymaking (from public education, public administration or political activities) takes the high quality policy studies. The policy analysis craft has plays many public role. Generally, its main task is to achieve the maximum of rational judgments relating to the key components in policymaking. It helps to diagnose the policy problems which affect the society and must be resolved, including capturing their dynamics before the damages are done. It supports as well the agenda setting which is to reflect the hierarchy of public problems. It helps to crystallize the evidence base which are to prove the effectiveness of policy intervention which has been planned. The author describes the historical circumstances in Poland shaping the cultural bias in policy analysis. He points to some public life practices which limit the inclination for analyzing policies or affect their quality. At the same time he emphasizes the significance of the professional policy analysis to make sure the decision making process is effective. It enables to detect many sorts of risks hidden on the stage of policy formulation and policy implementation. The public administration, political class, and many analytical institutions like think tanks have troubles in policy analysis.

The discussion about mutual relations between the media and politics in democracy is going on for years. One of the key issues in this debate is the impact of media on political choices and political part icipation of citizens. Last years we are observing signifi cant changes in the ways of presenting content by political actors, especially in the media. New media syst em ecology requires creativity both in political communication creating and analyzing it. One of the interest ing paradigm of this kind of analysis is gamifi cation. Th is article aims is to find out how gamifi cation elements are currently used in the practice of journalism and how the gamified schemes of political broadcast talk have the potential to st rengthen the democratic and civic purposes of journalism. The authors of this art icle are inclined to the idea that convergence between politics and popular culture can have also a positive effect for the implementation of democratic practices and civil society. And gamification creates an interest ing paradigm for underst anding political reality in terms of fun and entert ainment (according to the threat of tabloidization). Observing the dynamics of broadcast journalism it can be seen that even they can be analyzed in terms of gamifi cation mechanisms – the roles adopted by the journalist s and guest s are functional in the logic of the game. Th e prize (viewers' attention) is evident for both groups, and interactions run more oft en in ways that allow them to gain dominance and 'win' the interaction. Th e authors analyze the behavior of journalist s conducting the TV affairs programs through the scheme of roles taken in the game (according to Richard Bart le typology: achievers, explorers, socializers, killers). The test is made using quantitative and qualitative measures. ; TOMASZ Gackowski

This text is a review article of Michał Masłowski's monograph "Myths and political symbols of Central and Eastern Europe". Masłowski's publication presents the most widespread myths, political and national symbols of Central and Eastern Europe, along with an explanation of their origin and influence over the often turbulent centuries from the early Middle Ages to the present day. The author approaches this topic in an interdisciplinary way, trying to present what shaped nations and their culture in this part of Europe.

"Na Lubelszczyźnie słowem-kluczem staje się graniczność: znajdujemy się przy Białorusi i Ukrainie, między Wisłą a Bugiem. Różnorodność tego obszaru (m.in. wpisane w jego krajobraz cerkwie, synagogi, ślady Ormian i Tatarów) wpływa na wielość podejmowanych w opracowaniu tematów. Regionalistyka kulturowa potraktowana została przez autorów i redaktorów tomu (etnologów, antropologów, filologów, geografów, ekonomistów) jako wehikuł pozwalający czytelnikowi wyobrazić sobie przestrzeń Lubelszczyzny. Badający zasoby historyczno-kulturowe na styku między Wschodem i Zachodem wbili cyrkiel zainteresowań w Lublinie, by zakreślić łamane koło od Białej Podlaskiej, przez Włodawę, Hrubieszów, Zamość, Zwierzyniec, Biłgoraj, Janów Lubelski, Kraśnik, Opole Lubelskie, Kazimierz Dolny, Puławy po Łuków. Margines Lubelszczyzny stał się dla autorów, by użyć formuły bell hooks, miejscem radykalnego otwarcia" (ze wstępu). ; "In the Lublin Region, the key word is the border: we are right next to Belarus and Ukraine, between the Vistula and the Bug. The diversity of this area (manifested by Orthodox churches and synagogues as well as Armenian and Tatar traces) finds its reflection in the multiplicity of topics considered in the volume. The authors and editors of the volume (comprising ethnologists, anthropologists, philologists, geographers and economists) treat cultural area studies presented as a vehicle allowing the reader to imagine the space of the Lublin Region, where the West meets the East. Analysing the Region's historical and cultural resources, the authors drew a broken circle, going from Biała Podlaska, through Włodawa, Hrubieszów, Zamość, Zwierzyniec, Biłgoraj, Janów Lubelski, Kraśnik, Opole Lubelskie, Kazimierz Dolny, Puławy to Łuków. These margins of the Lublin Region have become for them, to use bell hooks's formulation, a place of radical opening" (from the introduction).

Motherhood without icing and retouching. The 'Polish Mother' icon in Polish literature created after the year 2000 and blogs Polish woman-centered symbolism has a specific dimension, which is depicted in the iconic 'Polish Mother' (Matka Polka). The iconic image is deeply rooted in Polish history and culture and it often refers to the mother of Jesus as she is expected to sacrifice her children for the motherland. As a woman, she realizes herself not only through motherhood but also in the service of her nation, and as such, she becomes a highly charged metaphor for both motherly love and patriotism. The 'Polish Mother' is a myth; a stereotype that has shaped the thinking of the nation for more than two centuries and is still largely in force. In contemporary literature (and also in various media texts and blogs) one can identify however, obvious attempts to re-evaluate this very traditional iconic image. Especially motherhood, in Poland today, has gained a new dimension. I investigate some of the most characteristic aspects of the selected texts, focusing on the discrepancy between the old clichés and expectations and the subversion of traditionally defined motherhood in a modern society, which no longer takes the 'Polish Mother' at face value.