Suchergebnisse

Die Zusammenführung der einzelnen madagassischen Gesellschaften zu einer "Prä-Nation" fand 1896 durch die franz. Annexion Madagaskars ein Ende. Die Gesellschaften, in denen die Familie, ihre Ahnen, das Land der Ahnen sowie die kosmologischen Beziehungen den räumlich begrenzten identitären Horizont bildeten, instrumentalisierte die Kolonialmacht durch ihre politique des races. Ethnisierung wurde zum Instrument einer divide et impera-Politik. Das Ergebnis war der Abbruch einer Entwicklung zu nationaler Kohärenz und Identität sowie die Fixierung gesellschaftlicher Fragmentierung. In fünf Jahrzehnten der Unabhängigkeit hat es der madagassische Staat nicht vermocht, die identitäre Diversität in eine nationale Identität zu überführen. Politische Interessen instrumentalisieren dagegen die Ethnizität, so dass das identitäre Bewusstsein von der Gesellschaftszugehörigkeit, vom Familien- und Ahnenbezug sowie den damit verknüpften kosmologischen Konzeptionen bestimmt und räumlich begrenzt wird.

Das politische Denken Ernst Cassirers steht im Mittelpunkt der vorliegenden Forschungsarbeit, die von einer kritischen Auseinandersetzung mit der Rezeptionsgeschichte ausgeht und eine spezifische methodische Perspektive einführt, um dieses Problem in einem neuen Licht erscheinen zu lassen und um zu erklären, wie und inwieweit legitim von einem politischen Denken im Falle der Kulturphilosophie Cassirers gesprochen werden kann. Unter der Annahme einer Kontinuitätshypothese wird auf diejenigen Hauptmomente fokussiert, in denen Cassirer die Grundsätze seiner politisch-philosophischen Auffassung entwickelte, und zwar auf die Werke "Leibniz' System in seinen wissenschaftlichen Grundlagen" 1902 und "Freiheit und Form. Studien zur deutschen Geistesgeschichte" 1916: in diesen Untersuchungen über die ethisch-rechtliche Grundlegung der Geisteswissenschaften und über das Problem der Freiheits- und Staatsidee lassen sich zwei Grundmotive aufzeigen, die alle folgenden Entwicklungen der Cassirerschen politischen Reflexionen zwischen dem Ersten Weltkrieg, der Weimarer Republik und dem Nationalsozialismus bestimmen: vom Streit um den Begriff der Nation mit dem Philosophen Bruno Bauch über die Verteidigung des republikanischen Konstitutionalismus am Ende der 1920er Jahre und über die ethisch-rechtlichen Beiträge der Exilzeit in den 1930er Jahren bis hin zum posthumen The Myth of the State 1946. Das Leitmotiv dieser politisch-philosophischen Überlegungen Cassirers ist in der Tat die Betrachtung des Problems der idealistischen Verwandlung des Staatsbegriffs in einen normativen Kulturbegriff bzw. in eine Kulturform unter systematischer Berücksichtigung von der Geschichte der politischen Philosophie und Wissenschaft der europäischen Moderne. In Bezug auf diese Hauptmomente der Cassirerschen politischen Produktion werden ihr philosophisch-geschichtlicher und kultureller Kontext sowie ihre Quellen beleuchtet. ; The political thought of Ernst Cassirer is the focus of the present research work, which starts from a critical assessment of his reception and introduces a specific methodological approach in order to reconsider this issue and to clarify the sense in which it is legitimate to speak of a political thought in Cassirer's Philosophy of Culture. Assuming that there is a continuity in his philosophy, this research focuses on the two fundamental moments in which Cassirer develops the principles of his political thought, that is to say the works "Leibniz' System in seinen wissenschaftlichen Grundlagen" (1902) and "Freiheit und Form. Studien zur deutschen Geistesgeschichte" (1916). In his investigations on the ethical-legal foundation of the Geisteswissenschaften and on the problem of freedom and state can be recognized two crucial issues as the basis of all developments in Cassirer's political thought between the World War I, the Weimar Republic and the Nazism: from the controversy with the philosopher Bruno Bauch about the concept of nation to the defense of a republican constitutionalism at the end of the 20's, from the ethical and legal contributions of the 30's till the inquiries on the political myth in his posthumous work "The Myth of the state" (1946). In this philosophical-political elaboration Cassirer's main concern is to study the problem of the idealistic transformation of the state into a normative cultural concept and into a form of culture in the light of the history of political philosophy and political science in modern Europe. For each of the main points of Cassirer's political production are therefore highlighted the historical-philosophical and cultural context, along with the sources and the most important references.

Das Kopftuch, ein auf den ersten Blick unscheinbar wirkendes, jedoch viel diskutiertes und umstrittenes Stück Stoff, kann als Bedeutungs- und Symbolträger bezeichnet werden. Wie die Kulturgeschichte des Kopftuches zeigt, nimmt es seit Tausenden von Jahren unterschiedlichste Bedeutungen ein und fungiert als gesellschaftspolitische Projektionsfläche für verschiedenste Themen wie die Staatsneutralität, die Geschlechterrollen, die Religionsfreiheit oder die Selbstbestimmung der Frau. In diesem Diskurs wird die eigene, christlich geprägte Kopftuchgeschichte meist ausgeklammert oder als etwas Differentes wahrgenommen. Dieser Aspekt wurde in der vorliegenden Diplomarbeit aufgegriffen und dementsprechende Konvergenzen bzw. Divergenzen aufgezeigt. Diesbezüglich wurden problemzentrierte Interviews mit Kopftuchträgerinnen mit unterschiedlichen kulturellen und religiösen Hintergründen geführt. Es konnte festgestellt werden, dass es "die" Frau mit Kopftuch nicht gibt. Dahinter stehen vielfältige Motive und Bedeutungen, die das Kopftuch zu einem individuellen Persönlichkeitsmerkmal und performativen Objekt werden lassen. Die Stereotypisierungen "der Kopftuchträgerin" spiegeln sich in den Reaktionen der Menschen wider und basieren auf Unwissenheit, Unsicherheiten wie auch Ängsten, die durch die Gesellschaft, aber auch durch die Medien und die Politik hervorgerufen und geprägt werden. Diese auf die muslimische Kopftuchträgerin projizierten Emotionen gründen auf dem verdrängten Eigenen, vor dem wir, nach Sigmund Freud, unsere Augen verschließen möchten und auf das der Titel der vorliegenden Arbeit anspielt. In diesem Sinne soll diese Diplomarbeit einen Beitrag zur Aufklärung leisten sowie das Bild von der medial getränkten Opferrolle der Kopftuchträgerin durch die eigene Kopftuchgeschichte ein wenig auflösen bzw. die Vielfältigkeit und Individualität des Kopftuches in den Mittelpunkt stellen. ; At first sight the headscarf is a nondescript but much discussed piece of cloth and it can be termed as a carrier of meanings and symbols. The cultural history shows, that it expresses different meanings since thousands of years and acts as a socio-political projection surface for various issues such as the neutrality of the state, gender roles, religious freedom or the self determination of women. In this discourse the history of the own, Christian shaped headscarf is ignored or perceived as different. This is the main aspect in my thesis, where I show convergences but also divergences. For this reason, I made interviews with women wearing headscarves with different religious and cultural backgrounds. As a result I ascertained that "the woman with headscarf" doesnt exist, because there are various motives and meanings behind wearing this piece of cloth. So the headscarf becomes an individual personal characteristic and a performative object. The stereotyping and the generalizations of women with headscarves are reflected through the reactions of the people and are based on ignorance, uncertainties or anxieties, which are generated by society, media or politics. According to Sigmund Freud, these projected emotions are based on the supressed own feelings, we do not want to face. This aspect refers to the title of this diploma thesis. In this sense, this present paper should analyse the situation of women wearing headscarves. On the one hand prejudices should be reduced and on the other hand the dominating false pictures of these women should be dissolved. Furthermore the diversity and individuality of the headscarf should be in the focus. ; vorgelegt von Margit Maria Dockner ; Abweichender Titel laut Übersetzung der Verfasserin/des Verfassers ; Zsfassungen in dt. und engl. Sprache ; Graz, Univ., Dipl.-Arb., 2014 ; (VLID)269059

Becoming Danish/Christian and becoming Muslim are skills that may be acquired in the secularized school system. This study explores how social structure and the politics of identity and knowledge in relation to religion intertwine when recontextualized in the classroom of the Danish comprehensive school post 9-11. Through close readings of what takes place at a classroom level in two Copenhagen schools, Pedagogized Muslimness provides insights into how the Nordic model of comprehensive schooling – in the (post-)welfare state – plays out in daily school life and with what effects. The book provides a deeper understanding of how knowledge is produced in school, and how school operates as an arena for the production and distribution of social difference. The good pupil is the pupil that speaks of her/himself, acting as a subject, or who, by confirming the teacher's organizing of her/himself, accepts being made into an object upon which knowledge can be generated. Particularly overexposed are the pupils, whom the teachers identify as 'Muslim', something which draws on decades of casting this group of children as special objects of – as well as obstacles to – schooling. By the late 1970s and the early 1980s, the children of migrants came to be defined by their parents' relation to the labor market: as 'foreign workers' in often unskilled jobs, associated with rural life and 'traditional family patterns', and characterized by what was seen as their (lack of) language skills. In the course of several moral panics around 'Muslims' and 'Muslim children', this focus has translated into a knowledge formation of culture/religion. The book shows how school-produced Muslimness, in the pedagogized social economy of the classroom, becomes a parameter of social class, higher as well as lower.

This paper presents the articulation of the concept of military culture based on specific contextual factors that contribute to the internal dynamics and interrelations of society and the armed forces. This time, these factors pertain to the value system that forms the basis of national culture, professional ethos, and other elements of military ceremony and rules of conduct that affect group cohesion and a sense of community. In addition, the paper presents theories of civil-military relations that have been used to interpret and analyse some characteristics of military culture. ; Artikulacija koncepta vojne kulture predstaviće se na osnovu određenih kontekstualnih faktora koji doprinose unutrašnjoj dinamici i međuodnosima društva i oružanih snaga. Ti faktori se ovaj put odnose na sistem vrednosti na kojima je utemeljena nacionalna kultura, profesionalni etos i druge elemente vojne ceremonije i pravila ponašanja koji utiču na grupnu koheziju i osećaj zajedništva. Takođe, u ovom radu će se predstaviti teorije civilno-vojnih odnosa koje su u svojim razmatranjima interpretirale i analizirale neka obeležja vojne kulture.

Baggrundspapiret har fokus på samfundsmæssige konsekvenser og afledte effekter af råstofprojekter i Grønland. Papiret fokuserer på de forskellige faser for råstofprojekter og gennemgår de formelle krav og metoder, der anvendes til vurdering af råstoffernes effekter på samfundet i Grønland i dag: Social Impact Assessment (SIA) og Impact Benefit Agreement (IBA).

This paper discusses the relationship between social (or cultural) anthropology and cultural studies. During the crisis of representation in the 1980s, anthropology rediscussed its own theoretical positions becoming aware of its political and epistemological positions which pushed the discipline towards the growing trends in cultural studies. This opened up anthropology to various theoretical paradigms that did not originate in the anthropology itself (such as theory of deconstruction, various theories of agency and so on), while at the same time, anthropology still got tied to ethnography as it is core methodological principle. In the meantime, cultural studies lost the political edge they had at a time when it seemed that "cultural studies will be the death of anthropology" facing the crisis of critique, and it seems that it is time for cultural studies to take a look at anthropology. That does not mean that "anthropology will be the death of cultural studies", but rather that cultural studies can meet anthropology through the dialogue with current anthropological paradigms that seem rather distant from the current trends in cultural studies. Primarily, I believe that so-called ontological turn in anthropology deals with radical cultural alterity and calls for the rethinking of current epistemological and political positions in social sciences. Regardless of the position one takes for/against those theoretical developments, the dialogue between these two disciplines should open up space for a new critical rethinking of the contemporary world. ; U ovom radu razmatra se odnos između socio-kulturne antropologije i studija kulture sa dodatnim osvrtom na njihov odnos u domaćoj sredini. Sa pojavom tzv. "krize reprezentacije" osamdesetih godina prošlog veka preispitujući svoje političke i epistemološke pozicije, antropologija je postala svesna svojih političkih pozicija i upustila se u dijalog sa tada narastajućim trendovima studija kulture. Ovaj dijalog doveo je do otvaranja antropologije prema različitim teorijskim paradigmama koje nisu dolazile iz same discipline, već iz različitih pravaca studija kulture (dekonstruktivistička kritika, različite teorije "moći delovanja"), pri tome se najčešće i dalje (s pravom) držeći ideje da je specifičnost antropologije "terenski rad" - određena vrsta etnografske imaginacije. U međuvremenu, sa "krizom kritike", studije kulture izgubile su politički zamajac iz vremena kada se činilo da će "studije kulture biti smrt antropologije", te je situacija danas takva da su studije kulture te koje bi svoju kritičku oštricu mogle da povrate oslanjajući se na neke nove paradigme iz antropologije. To ne znači da će "antropologija biti smrt studija kulture", već pre da se kroz dijalog sa paradigmama koje se čine prilično udaljenim od savremenih kretanja u studijama kulture (kao što je "ontološki obrt") otvori prostor za istinsko promišljanje savremenog sveta, čemu su studije kulture oduvek težile.

U ovom se radu promišlja i analizira odnos individualnog i socijalnog/grupnog identiteta na primjeru suvremene Bosne i Hercegovine. Ukazuje se na tjeskobu i nelagodu pojedinaca i grupa koji grade svoj grupni identitet na obilježjima i vrijednostima druge kulture kojoj zapravo ne pripadaju. Na taj način, pojedinac se fzički nalazi u svojoj zemlji/državi, a pod utjecajem politike i obrazovne politike, duhovno živi u nekom drugom okruženju. Takvi pojedinci najčešće postaju apatridi2, a da toga nisu svjesni, niti oni niti kreatori takve obrazovne politike. Oni se obrazovanjem udaljavaju od vlastite zajednice i kulture u kojoj žive i deklariraju pripadnicima neke druge kulture s kojom ih veže najčešće samo jedan od zajedničkih nazivnika, npr. religija. Na drugoj strani, pojedinci u BiH koji sebe svrstavaju u kategoriju ostali, ne grade svoj identitet isključivo na vjerskoj i nacionalnoj osnovi, oni ne teže biti što različitiji niti ekskluzivniji od ostalih svojih sunarodnjaka, oni svoje odnose s drugima utemeljuju na sličnostima i oni ne poimaju svoj identitet utemeljen isključivo na pripadnosti jednom od konstitutivnih naroda, iako im je to na neki način Ustavom zadano. Grupaciju ostali čine deklarirani patrioti BiH, čvrsto utemeljeni na svojoj zemlji, u svojoj domovini i nastoje graditi i oblikovati kompleksni bosansko-hercegovački socijalni identitet. Ova inverzija u kojoj se iz Ustavom defniranih konstitutivnih naroda zbog krize identiteta regrutiraju apatridi, i gdje ostali, iako im Ustav uskraćuje mnoga prava, postaju istinski patrioti, je jedinstven primjer koji, postoji samo u BiH i koji je uz sve druge okolnosti snažno potaknut obrazovnim sustavom. ; Tis paper considers and analyzes the relationship between individual and social / group identity on the example of modern Bosnia and Herzegovina. It points to the anxiety and discomfort of individuals and groups that build on its identity on the characteristics and values of other cultures which does not belong. In this way, the individual is physically located in your country / state, and under the influence of policy and education policy, the spiritual lives in another okruženju.Takvi individuals usually become stateless, without being aware of it, neither they nor the creators of such educational policies. Tey are educated away from their own communities and cultures in which they live, and declare themselves members of another culture that binds them most ofen only one common denominator, for example, Religions. On the other hand, individuals in BiH who himself into the category of others, do not build your identity solely on religious and national basis, they do not tend to be as diverse or more exclusive than the rest of their countrymen, they do their relationships with others founded on the similarities and they do not perceive their identity is based solely on the origin of these peoples, although it is in some way the Constitution default. Other group consists of BiH patriots declared, frmly established on their land, in their home country and seek to build and shape the complex Bosnian-Herzegovinian social identity. Te inversion in which the Constitution defned the constituent peoples due to identity crisis recruited stateless, and where else, if their constitution denied many rights, they become true patriots, is a unique example of that, there is only in BiH and that is with all the other circumstances strongly driven by educational system. ; Dieses Papier ist der Auffassung, und analysiert die Beziehung zwischen individuellen und sozialen / Gruppenidentität auf dem Beispiel der modernen Bosnien und Herzegowina. Es weist auf die Angst und Beschwerden von Einzelpersonen und Gruppen, die auf ihrer Identität auf die Eigenschafen und Werte anderer Kulturen, die nicht gehört zu bauen. Auf diese Weise wird die individuelle körperlich in Ihrem Land / Staat befndet, und unter dem Einfluss von Politik und Bildungspolitik, die spirituellen Leben in einem anderen okruženju.Takvi Individuen in der Regel werden Staatenlose, ohne es zu wissen, weder sie noch die Schöpfer solcher Bildungspolitik. Sie sind weg von ihren eigenen Gemeinschafen und Kulturen, in denen sie leben, erzogen und erklären sich Angehörige einer anderen Kultur, die sie bindet meist nur einen gemeinsamen Nenner, zum Beispiel. Die Religionen. Auf der anderen Seite, Menschen in Bosnien und Herzegowina, der sich in die Kategorie der anderen, nicht Ihre Identität zu bauen ausschließlich auf religiöse und nationale Basis, sie nicht dazu neigen, so vielfältig und exklusiver als der Rest ihrer Landsleute zu sein, haben sie ihre Beziehungen mit anderen auf die Ähnlichkeiten gegründet und sie nicht wahrnehmen ihre Identität beruht ausschließlich auf den Ursprung dieser Völker basiert, auch wenn es in irgendeiner Weise die Verfassung Standard. Andere Gruppe besteht aus BiH Patrioten erklärt, auf ihrem Land fest etabliert, in ihrem Heimatland und zu versuchen, zu bauen und gestalten die komplexen bosnisch-herzegowinischen soziale Identität. Die Umkehrung, in der die Verfassung defniert die Volksgruppen aufgrund von Identitätskrise rekrutiert Staatenlose, und wo sonst, wenn ihre Verfassung verweigert viele Rechte, wahre Patrioten werden sie, ist ein einzigartiges Beispiel dafür gibt es nur in Bosnien und Herzegowina, und das ist mit all den anderen Umständen stark vom Bildungs angetrieben Systems.

Teaterföreställningar byggda på interaktivitet mellan skådespelare och publik har under de senaste åren blivit något av en växande trend inom svensk scenkonst för barn och ungdomar i Sverige. Det konstnärliga greppet gör att traditionell uppdelning mellan scen och salong sätts i rörelse, liksom den skapande processen och ensemblens förhållningssätt till såväl grupp som enskilda teaterbesökare. Andra förutsättningar, möjligheter, krav och utmaningar blir därmed aktuella. ung scen/öst med säte i Linköping är en av de scener som arbetat mest genomgripande med interaktivitet i mötet med en ung publik. Vad innebär det i termer av estetik, politik och kunskap? Presentationen baseras på ett nyss avslutat fältarbete på barn- och ungdomsteatern ung scen/öst. I en tvåårig interaktiv forskningsprocess har jag som genusforskare tagit del i arbetet med två produktioner: Vad ska vi göra? som spelades under hösten 2012, och Den magiska cirkeln, som spelades under våren 2013. Delar av det metodologiska arbetet kommer att beskrivas, och tentativa frågor om den interaktiva scenkonstens estetik och politik i relation till unga människor kommer att presenteras och diskuteras. Såväl metodpresentation som frågor och resonemang utgår från feministiska och kulturteoretiska perspektiv på makt, estetik, kultur och kunskap.

Penelitian ini bertujuan untuk (1) mengetahui latar belakang didirikanya Monumen Peringatan Ida Bhatara Mantuk Ring Rana di Banjar Melinggih, Kecamatan Payangan, Kabupaten Gianyar, (2) mengetahui proses pembangunan Monumen Peringatan Ida Bhatara Mantuk Ring Rana di Banjar Melinggih, Kecamatan Payangan, Kabupaten Gianyar, (3) mengetahui fungsi serta nilai- nilai sejarah yang terkandung pada Monumen Peringatan Ida Bhatara Mantuk Ring Rana. Dalam penelitian ini, data dikumpulkan dengan menggunakan metode kualitatif dengan tahap-tahap ; (1) teknik penentuan lokasi penelitian, (2) teknik penentuan informan, (3) teknik pengumpulan data (observasi, wawancara, kajian dokumen), (4) teknik penjamin keaslian data (triangulasi data, triangulasi metode), dan (5) teknik analisis data. Hasil penelitian menunjukan bahwa, (1) ada dua faktor yang melatar belakangi pembangunan Monumen Peringatan Ida Bhatara Mantuk Ring Rana dilihat dari faktor historis dan faktor sosio-kultur, (2) proses pembangunan Monumen Peringatan Ida Bhatara Mantuk Ring Rana diinisiatori oleh masyarakat Banjar Melinggih yang diarsiteki oleh anggota tutus paras Banjar Melinggih, (3)Fungsi dari pembangunan Monumen Peringatan Ida Bhatara Mantuk Ring Rana adalah; (1) fungsi edukatif, (2) fungsi inspiratif, (3) fungsi rekreatif, (4) fungsi politik, dan (5) fungsi sosio-kultur. Nilai-nilai yang terkandung pada Monumen Peringatan Ida Bhatara Mantuk Ring Rana di antaranya; (1) nilai pendidikan, (2) nilai patriotisme, (3) nilai religius, dan (4) nilai budi pekerti luhur.

Heyet‐i Temsiliye'nin kurulma fikri, Haziran 1919'da yayımlanan Amasya Genelgesi ile ortaya çıkmıştır. Millî Mücadele'nin gerekçesi ve yönteminin belirlendiği bu genelgede yer alan: "milletin içinde bulunduğu durum ve şartların gereğini yerine getirmek ve haklarını gür sesle cihana duyurmak için her türlü baskı ve kontrolden uzak millî bir heyetin varlığı zaruridir" maddesi doğrudan Heyet‐i Temsiliye'nin kurulmasına yönelik bir çağrıdır. Heyet‐i Temsiliye bir siyasi teşekkül olarak Erzurum'da doğmuş daha sonra tüm yurdu kapsayan bir anlayışla varlığını devam ettirmiştir. Bu çalışmada Heyet‐i Temsiliye'nin siyasi kültür içerisindeki yeri, önemi ve faaliyetleri hakkında incelemeler yer alacaktır. Heyet‐i Temsiliye, bugün demokrasi anlayışımızın doğuşunda ve Cumhuriyet fikrinin beyinlerde yer etmesinde büyük bir öneme sahiptir. Zira daha Osmanlı Devleti yıkılmadan önce kurulan Heyet‐i Temsiliye çoğunluk esası içerisinde hareket etmiş ve alınan kararlarda demokrasi kültürüne sadık kalınacağına dair teminat vermiştir. Son tahlilde Heyet‐i Temsiliye, milletin temsilcisi konumunda, devlet teşkilatının özünü oluşturan kuruluşları yapılandırmak ve bu konsensüs içerisinde TBMM'nin açılmasını hazırlamak gibi önemli çalışmalar yapmış, Cumhuriyet kültürünün önemli bir mihenk taşı olarak tarihte yer etmiştir. ; The idea regarding the foundation of the Representative Committee was issued in Amasya Circular in June 1919. This circular coversthe reasons stating the requirements of the Independence War and its methods. The following item of this circular is directly about the foundation of The Repre‐ sentative Committee: "the existence of a national delegation away from all kinds of oppression and control, isessential to fulfill the current state of the nation and the necessity of the conditions and to announce their rights in a strong voice". The Representative Committeeemerged in Erzurum as a political organization and continued its existence with a mentality including the whole homeland. The position and importance of the Representative Committee in the political culture and its activi‐ ties are stated in this study. The Representative Committee is highly important for the emergence of today's democracy perception and penetrating the Republican idea to the minds. The Representati‐ ve Committee, founded beforethe collapse of the Ottoman Empire, kept on its activities based on the majority rule and declared its loyalty to the cultural democracy while making decisions As a result, the Representative Committee, as an agent of a nation, configured the institutionsthat build up the origin of the state organization and carried out therequired studies forthe establish‐ ment of the Great National Parliament of Turkey and placed as an important milestone of the Republican culture in the history.

U radu se razmatra odnos između tradicije i turizma na primeru gastronomske ponude u okviru tzv. 'salašarskog turizma'. U poslednjoj deceniji salaši u Vojvodini su postali veoma popularna turistička destinacija i atrakcija kao vrsta ruralnog i kulturnog turizma. Salaši, koji su revitalizovani za potrebe turizma, u medijima i u turističkim brošurama predstavljeni su kao 'mesta povratka tradiciji', kao 'autentični čuvari kulinarskog nasleđa Vojvodine', stvarajući tako romantizovanu i idealizovanu predstavu o prošlosti vojvođanskih paora. U radu se ispituje na koji način su elementi tradicionalne kulture inkorporirani u turističku ponudu. Gastronomska politika restorana-salaša dovodi se u vezu sa globalnim aktivističkim 'pokretom spore hrane' (slow food movement) koji se zasniva na prehrambenim namirnicama koje se lokalno proizvode/gaje i na tradicionalnim tehnikama pripreme hrane. Rad je rezultat terenskih istraživanja salaša u Bačkoj i Banatu, koji su revitalizovani za potrebe turizma i ugostiteljstva, kao i analize sadržaja medijskih predstavljanja salašarskog turizma. ; The paper considers the relationship between tradition and tourism as exemplified by the cuisine on offer in so called 'salaš tourism'. Over the course of the last decade, farms in Vojvodina have become popular tourist destination and an attraction as a form of rural and cultural tourism. Farms which have been revitalized to meet the needs of tourism are represented as 'places of returning to tradition' in brochures and the media, thus creating a romanticized and idealized image of the past of Vojvodina peasants. The paper examines the ways in which elements of traditional culture are incorporated into the tourist offer. The gastronomic policies of salaš- restaurants is associated with the global 'slow food' movement which is based on locally grown and produced food and traditional preparation techniques. The paper is the result of fieldwork conducted in salaš-farms in Bačka and Banat, which have been revitalized as catering businesses and tourist attractions, as well as on the analysis of media representations of salaš tourism.

Izbori i izborni sistemi su veoma važan faktor funkcionisanja političkih sistema i njihove demokratizacije. Kraj prošlog veka doneo je temeljite promene bivšim socijalstičkim društvima širom starog kontinenta. Politički pluralizam, demokratija i tržišna ekonomija postale su široko prihvaćene vrednosti za bivša komunistička društva. Ovo je, sa druge strane, povećalo značaj izbora u svim ovim zemljama, uključujući Republiku Makedoniju. Veoma je teško tvrditi da li su izbori u Republici Makedoniji, od početka njenog postojanja kao nezavisne države, uvek bili u skladu sa pravilima naprednih demokratija, ali svejedno ostaje činjenica da su omogućili demokratiju u ovoj zemlji. Republika Makedonija prihvatila je parlamentarizam i u kontinuitetu iskazivala sve veće poštovanje za volju građana izraženu na fer i slobodnim izborima, iako je u nekoliko aspekata pokazala nedostatak političke kulture i tendencije koje bi se mogle nazvati demokratskim manipulisanjem demokratijom. Glavni cilj ovog rada je da pruži pregled izbora i razvoja izbornih modela u političkom sistemu Republike Makedonije. Kao što će to u radu biti predstavljeno, Republika Makedonija je u ove dve decenije svoje nezavisnosti primenjivala čist većinski izborni model, kombinovani izborni model i proporcionalni model, koji je trenutno u upotrebi. ; Elections and electoral systems are a factor of great importance for the functioning of political systems and their democratization. The end of the last century brought fundamental changes to ex socialist societies all over the old continent. Political pluralism, democracy and market economy became the largely accepted values for ex communist societies. This on the other hand resulted in an increased importance of elections in all these countries, including the Republic of Macedonia. It is very hard to argue weather election in the Republic of Macedonia from the very beginnings of its functioning as an independent country have always been in accordance with the rules of advanced democracies, but never the less the fact remains that they have made democracy in this country possible. The Republic of Macedonia has accepted parliamentarism and has shown in continuity an increasing respect for the will of citizens expressed in fair and free elections, although in several aspects it has shown a lack of political culture and tendencies for what might be called a democratic manipulation of democracy. The main objective of this paper is to provide an overview of elections and the evolution of the electoral models in the political system of the Republic of Macedonia. As will be presented in the paper the Republic of Macedonia in these two decades of functioning as an independent country has implemented the pure majoritarian electoral model, the combined electoral model and the proportional model which is being actually implemented.

Introduction Healthcare enlightenment and healthcare culture in Vranje and its region were under Turkish influence until the liberation in 1878, when the organisation of education, schooling and healthcare were initiated in the Vranje region Objective The aims of this study were to shed light on the beginning of the development of pharmaceutical personnel, and their contribution to healthcare culture development in Vranje and its region, with a focus on healthcare legislation and its impact on pharmaceutical service availability, and the analysis of pharmaceutical personnel development within the healthcare services. Methods We used the methods of documentation analysis and the desk analysis of the secondary information. Results At the beginning of the 19th century healthcare services in Vranje were still inexistent. After the liberation from the Turks, Naum's medical office with pharmacy was opened in Vranje. Although it did not comply with regulations, it presented the only formal source of supply of medications and sanitary material, and as such it gave its contribution to healthcare service at that time in Vranje. Mr ph. Stevan Varjacic, 1st class pharmacy assistant, worked at a temporary hospital from 1880 until January 1881, supplying with medications soldiers and residents of Vranje. The development of pharmaceutical schooling began in 1883, when a pharmacy was opened by the pharmacist Velimir Karic according to the Law on Healthcare Organization and People's Healthcare Maintenance. By the end of the 1930s there were ten civilian healthcare institutions in Vranje, even three of which were pharmacies. By the end of 1948, they were nationalized, and were renamed the City National Pharmacy of Vranje. Conclusion By the end of the 10th century, passing of the legislation on the regulations of pharmaceutical industry within healthcare services had an impact on Vranje that resulted in opening pharmacies with educated pharmaceutical personnel. Pharmacy owners changed, and the quality and continuity of medical supplies was always secured. ; Uvod Zdravstvena prosvećenost i zdravstvena kultura u Vranju i vranjskom kraju bili su pod turskim uticajem do 1878. godine, kada je nakon oslobođenja od Turaka počela organizacija prosvete, školstva i zdravstva u ovom kraju. Cilj rada Ciljevi rada su bili osvetljavanje početaka razvoja apotekarskog kadra i doprinos farmaceuta razvoju zdravstvene kulture u Vranju i vranjskom kraju s osvrtom na zdravstvenu regulativu i njen uticaj na dostupnost usluga apotekarske službe i analizu razvoja farmaceutskog kadra u okviru zdravstvene službe. Metode rada Korišćene su metode dokumentacione analize i desk-analiza sekundarnih podataka. Rezultati Početkom 19. veka zdravstvena služba u Vranju još nije postojala. Nakon oslobođenja od Turaka u Vranju je radila ordinacija s apotekom felčera Nauma, koja je, iako nije bila usklađena s propisima, bila jedini formalni izvor snabdevanja lekovima i sanitetskim materijalom i kao takva dala doprinos tadašnjoj zdravstvenoj službi u Vranju. U privremenoj vranjskoj bolnici od 1880. godine do januara 1881. godine radio je apotekarski pomoćnik prve klase magistar farmacije Stevan Varjačić, a lekovima su se snabdevali vojnici i stanovnici Vranja. Razvoj školske farmacije počinje 1883. godine otvaranjem apoteke farmaceuta Velimira Karića u skladu s tada važećim Zakonom o uređenju sanitetske struke i o čuvanju narodnog zdravlja. Krajem tridesetih godina 20. veka u vranjskom kraju je radilo deset civilnih zdravstvenih ustanova, od kojih su čak tri bile apoteke. One su krajem 1948. godine podruštvljene i promenile naziv u 'Gradska narodna apoteka u Vranju'. Zaključak Postojanje zakonske regulative o uređenju farmaceutske delatnosti u okviru zdravstvene službe uticalo je na to da Vranje krajem 19. veka dobije apoteke sa školovanim farmaceutskim kadrom. Vlasnici apoteka su se menjali, ali kvalitet i kontinuitet u medicinskom snabdevanju uvek je bio obezbeđen.

Museums, galleries, archives and other cultural institutions were invited to organize open days and invite citizens, visitors and tourists to visit them by the Ministry of Culture of the Republic of Croatia on the occasion of Croatia becoming a member of the European Union. The suggestion was to enable free access to existing or special programs, cultural events and celebrations. The Croatian State Archives responded and organized the exhibition Croatia and Europe: A Journey through Historical Maps, which could be seen in the atrium of the Croatian State Archives (CSA) from July 1 to 31, 2013. The exhibition featured the most valuable and attractive maps preserved in the Map Collection of CSA, which encompassed the period from the middle of the 16th century to the beginning of the 20th century.The goal of the exhibition was to present manuscript and printed maps, as well as thematic map facsimiles by various cartographers, whose maps represented Europe and Croatia more or less accurately, with regard to existing cartographic knowledge, knowledge of represented areas, maps' purpose and circumstances they were produced in. There were charts, general and historical maps of Europe and Croatian lands, as well as demarcation maps through various periods. A total of 36 manu-script and copper-engraved maps were exhibited. ; a preporuku Ministarstva kulture Republike Hrvatske, a povodom pridruživanja Hrvatske Europskoj Uniji, muzeji, galerije, arhivi i druge kulturne ustanove bile su pozvane da simboličnom gestom i "otvorenim vratima" pozovu sugrađane, posjetitelje i turiste u matičnom gradu da posjete neku od kulturnih ustanova. Preporuka je bila da se sukladno mogućnostima omogući besplatan ulaz posjetiteljima na već postojeće ili posebno pripremljene programe, kulturne događaje i svečanosti. Hrvatski državni arhiv odazvao se tom pozivu i organizirana je prigodna izložba "Hrvatska i Europa: putovanje kroz povijesne karte" koja se mogla razgledati u auli Hrvatskoga državnog arhiva (HDA) od 1. do 31. srpnja 2013. Na izložbi su prikazane najvrjednije i najatraktivnije karte koje se čuvaju u Kartografskoj zbirci HDA, a koje su obuhvatile razdoblje od sredine 16. do početka 20. stoljeća.Cilj izložbe bio je posjetiteljima prezentirati rukopisne i tiskane karte, te faksimile tematskih karata različitih kartografa čije su karte pružale više ili manje točne kartografske prikaze Europe, odnosno hrvatskih zemalja u povijesnom kontekstu, uzimajući u obzir tadašnje kartografsko znanje, poznavanje prostora koji se prikazivao, svrhu i okolnosti nastajanja karata. Pripremljene su pomorske, opće i povijesne karte Europe i hrvatskih zemalja, te karte razgraničenja kroz različita vremenska razdoblja. Bilo je izloženo 36 rukopisnih i bakroreznih karata.