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Contemporary democracies have evolved over the course of two centuries, stemming from the democratization of representative government following significant revolutions in America (1776) and France (1789). However, it was the aftermath of World War II (1945) that marked a pivotal shift, as democracies embraced liberalism by adopting principles of human rights and the rule of law as foundational requisites. Concurrently, within the most successful Western democracies, the concept of the welfare state emerged as an essential prerequisite for effective democratic governance. This text argues that contemporary democracy constitutes a political regime in which liberal democracy and social democracy are inherently interconnected and indivisible.

Abstract. Democratic political institutions are generally designed to channel public opinion; yet citizens often take to the streets in protest. Why would citizens, provided with formal mechanisms to affect the policy process, resort to extraordinary means? This article argues that the strength of representative institutions influences the likelihood of protest. The democratic institution literature does not address the issue of protest and in the protest literature effects of the democratic governmental structure have been largely underestimated. However, the diversity in government formats across democratic states and the corresponding variation in amount of protests leads one to question the relationship between them. This article identifies the variation in the scale of protests among democratic regimes in Western European countries using the European Protest and Coercion Data and explains protest using variation in the forms of government. Protesters in democratic countries with a weak legislature find it difficult to deliver their demands to government due to the institutional environment. Therefore, they are more inclined to protest than citizens in countries with a strong legislature. This argument is tested along with other structural variables and supported by results from testing models using ordinary least squares with panel‐corrected standard errors.

The main contribution of this study is to identify democracies in the world that are at risk of becoming non-democracies. It is hypothesized that if democracies have a low level of legitimacy and have low effectiveness, they are at risk of becoming non-democratic regimes. These types of democracies are called weak democracies. Of the seven democracies that are identified as weak democracies between 2000 and 2010, the weakest of them, Mali, has already fallen. However, looking at the results of this study, it is not surprising that the democratic regime in Mali fell. The other six countries that are identified as weak democracies are Benin, Mongolia, Lesotho, El Salvador, Belize, and Mexico. The democratic regimes in these six weak democracies should be observed in more detail in the future to predict whether they are close to falling and losing their democratic institutions, or whether they will recover and no longer be weak democracies. Adapted from the source document.

Latin America's democracies are not in danger of collapse at this time. But there are many real problems, and not many indications that these problems are being addressed with imagination and determination.

Why do democracies win wars? This is a critical question in the study of international relations, as a traditional view--expressed most famously by Alexis de Tocqueville--has been that democracies are inferior in crafting foreign policy and fighting wars. In Democracies at War, the first major study of its kind, Dan Reiter and Allan Stam come to a very different conclusion. Democracies tend to win the wars they fight--specifically, about eighty percent of the time.

Why do democracies win wars? This is a critical question in the study of international relations, as a traditional view--expressed most famously by Alexis de Tocqueville--has been that democracies are inferior in crafting foreign policy and fighting wars. In Democracies at War, the first major study of its kind, Dan Reiter and Allan Stam come to a very different conclusion. Democracies tend to win the wars they fight--specifically, about eighty percent of the time. Complementing their wide-ranging case-study analysis, the authors apply innovative statistical tests and new hypot

Frontmatter -- Acknowledgments -- Contents -- Tables -- Figures -- 1 Introduction / Democracy, Parties, and Performance -- 2 Political Performance / The Initial Comparison -- 3 The Social and Economic Environment -- 4 The Constitutional Setting -- 5 Party Systems and Election Outcomes -- 6 Citizen Involvement / Participation or Turmoil -- 7 Government Performance / Executive Stability -- 8 Managing Violence and Sustaining Democracy -- 9 Democratic Performance / Liberty, Competition, Responsiveness -- 10 Conclusion / Constraint and Creativity in Democracies -- Appendix -- Notes -- Index

Steven Levitsky y Daniel Ziblatt, profesores de Harvard, nos presentan una obra extremadamente atingente para nuestros tiempos. Y es que How Democracies Die se origina desde la preocupación política de los autores al observar la creciente fragilidad contemporánea de la democracia. A esta preocupación se le añade, y esto es muy notorio, un profundo conocimiento sobre los quiebres democráticos y los autoritarismos que ambos autores han construido a lo largo de muchos años de estudio

Steven Levitsky y Daniel Ziblatt, profesores de Harvard, nos presentan una obra extremadamente atingente para nuestros tiempos. Y es que How Democracies Die se origina desde la preocupación política de los autores al observar la creciente fragilidad contemporánea de la democracia. A esta preocupación se le añade, y esto es muy notorio, un profundo conocimiento sobre los quiebres democráticos y los autoritarismos que ambos autores han construido a lo largo de muchos años de estudio

"European Democracies is an introduction to the politics and governments of Western, Central, and Eastern Europe. Organized thematically rather than country-by-country, this fully revised edition examines topics such as electoral systems, the European Union, refugees and the welfare state, and asks how to explain variations in policy outcomes, and how globalization is affecting European Democracies, among others. Throughout, the author treats Europe as a single but diverse entity and asks readers to compare what they learn about European politics with the politics of their own country. Key features in this new edition include: An updated thematic introduction to the politics and governments of Europe; Fully revised to include comprehensive coverage of recent electoral politics and political events in Europe, such as Brexit, the refugee crisis, and terrorist attacks; New chapters on immigration and the nature of European political culture and welfare state. New comparative sections covering topics such as political parties, and financial and political differences in governments between Europe and the USA."-- Provided by publisher.