Suchergebnisse

Awarding the Nobel Peace Prize to the Chinese democracy activist Liu Xiaobo was received well internationally, but also raised a fair amount of criticism. Even if giving the peace prize to a democracy activist is more in line with Alfred Nobel's original intent than giving it to an environmentalist, Mr. Xiaobo is also undermining the Chinese stability and therefore threatening the country's internal peace. Some critics have also argued that the Nobel committee went again after a popular media personality, whose selection is not going to change the direction of a large populous country. Another problem is that the Nobel peace prize committee consists of Norwegian politicians and therefore the award is often seen as an extension of Norwegian foreign policy. L. Pitkaniemi

Discusses the history and development of democracy and freedom in China from Mao Zedong to Beijing 2008 Summer Olympics. During Mao's regime the Chinese people lacked every freedom from travel to the freedom of speech in their own homes, and as late as 1989 the Tiananmen Square protests were brutally ended by the regime. Since then China has freed its economy and by the early 21st century Chinese people enjoy the right to select their local leaders, to live in any community they like, and to communicate freely with each other. However the highest party officials are still above criticism and the media is censored. L. Pitkaniemi

Introduces sports aid and sports organizations as a form of foreign policy that demands more attention from political scientists. In Norway, a redefinition (1972-1973) of culture provided sports a political arena for the first time, which eventually expanded into the foreign aid territory and thus became a part of overall foreign policy. A similar kind of shift has taken place internationally as the UN declared year 2005 as "The International Year of Sport and Physical Education". The main goal for Norwegian sports aid is to enhance peace and democracy by providing opportunities for the people to engage in sporting activities by mainly building sporting infrastructure. A case study of this policy in action is provided. L. Pitkaniemi

Popular uprising against authoritarian regimes is not enough to allow transition towards democracy to begin. The military has the final word on whether such an uprising will be successful or the uprising will be repressed in order to preserve the incumbent dictatorship. The military supported the uprising in Tunisia while it sided with the regime and repressed the uprising in Syria. In Egypt did the military refrain from supporting the regime and took over power themselves. Why did the military act so differently in the three cases? The article propose a theoretical explanation which combines variables influencing whether the military has the potential to support a popular uprising or not; and if there is a political situation, which allows for this potential to be exploited. The model of explanation is then tested against the cases of Tunisia, Egypt and Syria during The Arab Spring. Adapted from the source document.

An argument is presented that instead of hiding behind political correctness; political scientists and journalists should recognize that negative campaigns benefits democracy. Examples of negative campaigning in the 2008 US Presidential election are discussed. Negative campaigning is defined. A literature review is included of criticisms against negative campaigning and the effects thereof. The author argues that criticisms of negative campaigning are presented outside historical context and rests on a naive understanding of democracy. It is suggested that it is an insult to voter intelligence to presume that false information can be disseminated by negative ads. It is maintained that negative campaigning lead to full disclosure and increased factual information to voters. Examples are provided of the losing party using negative campaigning as an excuse, rather than focusing on underlying political issues. It is argued that the media fuel the fire of negative campaigns by guaranteed extensive coverage, thus turning negative campaigns into good political strategy. The value of negative campaigns is increased voter interest, which lead to a better democracy. References. E. Sundby

A large contrast between European Union and the United States still exists when it comes to how the countries influence the world. Whereas the United States is still obsessed with military might, Europe's focus is on economic, cultural and legitimate influence. In the early 20th century it would have been almost impossible to imagine millions of peaceful Europeans demonstrate against a foreign war, but in the early 21st century it is commonplace. Many authors have argued that this change was caused by developments in weapon technology, democratization of the continent, and realization that war is primitive. A theory developed by James Sheehan argues that wars ended due to developmental historic conditions. For example, democracy allows both the war mobilization of the whole population, but it also gives them the opportunity to vote for peace. L. Pitkaniemi

This article examines how John McCain has formed his foreign policy and what the world can expect should McCain become the next US President. A summary of McCain's military career is included, with a focus on his years as a prisoner of war in Vietnam. McCain's voting record on foreign policy issues is examined and inconsistencies are pointed out and explained. It is argued that the threat of terrorism will be McCain's major focus in foreign policy, and that he will likely focus on spreading democracy and fighting tyranny to increase security. There is a summary of McCain's stance on a number on foreign policy issues, including radical Islam groups, the war on terror, Iraq, Iran, the UN, NATO, a League of Democracies, and global warming, as well as a discussion of limitations to the President's ability to conduct foreign policy, including military capacity, economic limitations, and political support. It is concluded that McCain would be based on spreading American moral values and democracy, and that his administration would largely continue the foreign policies of the Bush administration. References. E. Sundby

Is the classic diplomat one of globalization's many victims? Has foreign policy become an underutilization of domestic politics? We still have an international state system, based on diplomacy as a tool, where dialogue and negotiation between equal players are the axiom, or is it about to dissolve in their regions and religions? How should foreign policy is organized and managed in order to be optimally equipped for global common challenges? These are some of the issues that the sacking stream of books on international politics, economics and diplomacy takes up. One category sheds new light on the bureaucratic state, the global system and the challenges it faces. The Christian Westphalian order has evolved since the mid-1600s, based on sovereignty, strategy and balance of power, but the world is now moving back to something similar to a pre-modern state system, characterized by system clash, legitimacy struggle and the emergence of new powers who want to transform the ground rules, in the worst case, override them completely. Adapted from the source document.

The author examines the constitution written under general Pinochet's military regime and shows why the political change taking place in Chile can at best produce a transitional regime that in turn may lead to democracy. The constitutional amendments required by the Chilean opposition are outlined