This paper examines the new forms of political participation, whose central feature is not a gathering power of political solidarity, but a chequebook participation that developed in recent decades as a result of neoliberal policies. This so called "professionalised" approach overtakes traditional grassroots activists' practises. Political solidarity – one of the three essential elements of democracy (together with freedom and equality) – has been gradually replaced by managerial techniques resulting in a deepening deficit of democracy. One of the reasons behind the changing trends in political participation is the so-called professionalisation of the non-governmental sector, when hired administrators substitute face-to-face grassroots actions by managerial sales strategies. As a result, we see more individualised participatory actions which do not aim at changing any existing political institutions into more socially just ones. Individualised civic participation changes the traditional forms and motives of political solidarity as well as political mobilisation; as a result, democratic citizenry experiences are reduced to political participation.
This paper examines the new forms of political participation, whose central feature is not a gathering power of political solidarity, but a chequebook participation that developed in recent decades as a result of neoliberal policies. This so called "professionalised" approach overtakes traditional grassroots activists' practises. Political solidarity – one of the three essential elements of democracy (together with freedom and equality) – has been gradually replaced by managerial techniques resulting in a deepening deficit of democracy. One of the reasons behind the changing trends in political participation is the so-called professionalisation of the non-governmental sector, when hired administrators substitute face-to-face grassroots actions by managerial sales strategies. As a result, we see more individualised participatory actions which do not aim at changing any existing political institutions into more socially just ones. Individualised civic participation changes the traditional forms and motives of political solidarity as well as political mobilisation; as a result, democratic citizenry experiences are reduced to political participation.
This paper examines the new forms of political participation, whose central feature is not a gathering power of political solidarity, but a chequebook participation that developed in recent decades as a result of neoliberal policies. This so called "professionalised" approach overtakes traditional grassroots activists' practises. Political solidarity – one of the three essential elements of democracy (together with freedom and equality) – has been gradually replaced by managerial techniques resulting in a deepening deficit of democracy. One of the reasons behind the changing trends in political participation is the so-called professionalisation of the non-governmental sector, when hired administrators substitute face-to-face grassroots actions by managerial sales strategies. As a result, we see more individualised participatory actions which do not aim at changing any existing political institutions into more socially just ones. Individualised civic participation changes the traditional forms and motives of political solidarity as well as political mobilisation; as a result, democratic citizenry experiences are reduced to political participation.
This paper examines the new forms of political participation, whose central feature is not a gathering power of political solidarity, but a chequebook participation that developed in recent decades as a result of neoliberal policies. This so called "professionalised" approach overtakes traditional grassroots activists' practises. Political solidarity – one of the three essential elements of democracy (together with freedom and equality) – has been gradually replaced by managerial techniques resulting in a deepening deficit of democracy. One of the reasons behind the changing trends in political participation is the so-called professionalisation of the non-governmental sector, when hired administrators substitute face-to-face grassroots actions by managerial sales strategies. As a result, we see more individualised participatory actions which do not aim at changing any existing political institutions into more socially just ones. Individualised civic participation changes the traditional forms and motives of political solidarity as well as political mobilisation; as a result, democratic citizenry experiences are reduced to political participation.
Significance of freedom and equality to democracy has been widely analyzed in political theory, but the third fundamental value of democracy - solidarity - has so far been overlooked. The dissertation seeks to fill this theoretical gap in defense of the claim that the separation of freedom and equality from solidarity deepens the democratic deficit. The concept and phenomenon of solidarity are analyzed from the point of view of critical theory, the influence of neo-liberalism on narrowing and "professionalization" of political participation is being explored, new international solidarity subjects are sought. The dissertation analyzes alterglobalist movements, workers' movement and left feminist movements. By treating solidarity not as a homogenous phenomenon, but as one of a dual nature, the theses claim that solidarity forms can be subdivided into "emancipatory" solidarity and "insular" solidarity. The theses present a typology of solidarity assessment criteria and analyzes Bolivian emancipatory indigenous movements as one of test examples for the case.
Significance of freedom and equality to democracy has been widely analyzed in political theory, but the third fundamental value of democracy - solidarity - has so far been overlooked. The dissertation seeks to fill this theoretical gap in defense of the claim that the separation of freedom and equality from solidarity deepens the democratic deficit. The concept and phenomenon of solidarity are analyzed from the point of view of critical theory, the influence of neo-liberalism on narrowing and "professionalization" of political participation is being explored, new international solidarity subjects are sought. The dissertation analyzes alterglobalist movements, workers' movement and left feminist movements. By treating solidarity not as a homogenous phenomenon, but as one of a dual nature, the theses claim that solidarity forms can be subdivided into "emancipatory" solidarity and "insular" solidarity. The theses present a typology of solidarity assessment criteria and analyzes Bolivian emancipatory indigenous movements as one of test examples for the case.
Significance of freedom and equality to democracy has been widely analyzed in political theory, but the third fundamental value of democracy - solidarity - has so far been overlooked. The dissertation seeks to fill this theoretical gap in defense of the claim that the separation of freedom and equality from solidarity deepens the democratic deficit. The concept and phenomenon of solidarity are analyzed from the point of view of critical theory, the influence of neo-liberalism on narrowing and "professionalization" of political participation is being explored, new international solidarity subjects are sought. The dissertation analyzes alterglobalist movements, workers' movement and left feminist movements. By treating solidarity not as a homogenous phenomenon, but as one of a dual nature, the theses claim that solidarity forms can be subdivided into "emancipatory" solidarity and "insular" solidarity. The theses present a typology of solidarity assessment criteria and analyzes Bolivian emancipatory indigenous movements as one of test examples for the case.
Significance of freedom and equality to democracy has been widely analyzed in political theory, but the third fundamental value of democracy - solidarity - has so far been overlooked. The dissertation seeks to fill this theoretical gap in defense of the claim that the separation of freedom and equality from solidarity deepens the democratic deficit. The concept and phenomenon of solidarity are analyzed from the point of view of critical theory, the influence of neo-liberalism on narrowing and "professionalization" of political participation is being explored, new international solidarity subjects are sought. The dissertation analyzes alterglobalist movements, workers' movement and left feminist movements. By treating solidarity not as a homogenous phenomenon, but as one of a dual nature, the theses claim that solidarity forms can be subdivided into "emancipatory" solidarity and "insular" solidarity. The theses present a typology of solidarity assessment criteria and analyzes Bolivian emancipatory indigenous movements as one of test examples for the case.
The article discusses the fact that one of the most important problems in the contradictory democracy creation process is finding ways to reinforce the participation of society members in democratic processes that take place in municipalities. With the decrease of citizen participation in one of the main democracy consolidation measures— in elections—a serious problem arises not only in government legitimization, but also in democracy and citizenship of society itself. The use of other forms of citizen participation in municipalities can and must compensate the deficit of democracy in the country. The problem lies in the perception of democracy, and the perception will improve if we see democracy functioning in a specific sphere of public life or activity, in this case—in municipalities. The aim of the article is to assess how certain instruments function in Lithuanian municipalities based on the latest trends of democracy expression in democratic countries. The object is the local instruments of democracy in municipalities. For this aim and this object the following research methods were used: analysis of scientific literature and empiricalexperimental research. The article is relevant for scientists who will be able to discuss the proposed insights and for practitioners, first of all, municipality politicians, employees of administrations, and active citizens who will be able to develop local democracy more systematically based on given theoretical insights and data from the empirical research. The theoretical part of this article is based on the insights of British professor Colin Crouch. Crouch analyses data from research of Local Democracy 2009 performed by scientists from Mykolas Romeris University and Kaunas University of Technology that reveal certain trends of local democracy in Lithuanian municipalities. We can draw the conclusion that in Lithuania, which parted with totalitarianism only two decades ago, the wish of the political elite to identify with democracy processes that take place in the old democratic countries is noticeable, therefore, talks about democracy are a prevalent, but not an instrumental approach, i.e., discussions about important actions that would lead to the increase of democracy. Consequently, the gap between ordinary citizen and political elite attitudes towards democracy is increasing. The research revealed that a considerable part of the heads of Lithuanian municipalities is not prone to verifying the functioning of instruments of democracy with the use of research. The answers of participants in the research Local Democracy 2009 demonstrate that they do not tend to idealize local democratic processes that take place in municipalities, and the fact that opinions of three expert groups on almost all main issues of local democracy functioning in municipalities are different shows a lack of systemic work in the development of local instruments of democracy in municipalities. ; Šiuolaikinio pasaulio raida meta daug ir esminių iššūkių demokratiniam mąstymui. Rinkos ir demokratijos suaugimas nacionalinės valstybės mastu "išjudino" moderniosios demokratijos sampratų ir iš modelių turinio kylančias įtampas. Globalizacijos poveikis tolesnei demokratijos raidai kelia daug neatsakytų klausimų. Vieni mato išeitį demokratijos globalizacijos perspektyvoje, kiti ieško galimybių stiprinti nacionalinių valstybių demokratiją. Straipsnyje aptariama, kad prieštaringame demokratijos kūrimo procese viena svarbiausių problemų yra rasti būdų stiprinti visuomenės narių dalyvavimą demokratijos procesuose savivaldybėse. Mažėjant piliečių dalyvavimui vienoje iš pagrindinių demokratijos įtvirtinimo būdų – rinkimuose, iškyla labai rimta ne tik valdžios legitimacijos, bet ir pačios visuomenės demokratiškumo ir pilietiškumo problema. Kitų piliečių dalyvavimo formų naudojimas savivaldybėse gali ir privalo kompensuoti demokratijos deficitą valstybėje. Straipsnyje analizuojami tyrimo Vietos demokratija 2009 duomenys parodo tam tikras vietos demokratijos tendencijas, išryškėjančias Lietuvos savivaldybėse.
Communication is an important part of the European Union democracy. European citizens have a right, as the intended beneficiaries of policy and as active participants in the democratic system, to impartial, objective and full information on the European Union in all official languages. Furthermore, the information that is being distributed should show citizens the specific advantages in their daily lives belonging to the European Union. However, the recent Eurobarometer results show that the citizens are not much aware of the European Union and its institucions and do not feel they have opportunities to express their opinion in the decision making. The purpose of the master thesis is to reveal the main features of the European Union communication strategy and to assess the activities of the Directorate General of Communication in the implementation of this strategy. The main tasks of the master thesis are to describe the preconditions of the European Union communication strategy, its purposes and evolution, and to reveal the means of communication implemented by the Directorate General of Communication. With the help of methods of descriptive and comparative analysis a conclusion was made that in order to remove the communication deficit, a comprehensive communication strategy is needed with the involvement of the institutions of the European Union, the governments of the Member States, local authorities, civil society organisations and all stakeholders. The European Commission is not capable to remove the gap which exists between the European Union and its citizens. Another conclusion was made that the means of the European Union communication strategy that are being implemented by the Directorate General of Communication partially contribute to the objectives stated in the European Union communication strategy. It should be added that they are not enough in order to ensure the full informing of the citizens and consultation as well as their participation in the decision making processes. While implementing one of the strategic principles of the European Union communication strategy "going local", the role of the representations of the European Commission should be strengthened as they know the best the local audiences.
Communication is an important part of the European Union democracy. European citizens have a right, as the intended beneficiaries of policy and as active participants in the democratic system, to impartial, objective and full information on the European Union in all official languages. Furthermore, the information that is being distributed should show citizens the specific advantages in their daily lives belonging to the European Union. However, the recent Eurobarometer results show that the citizens are not much aware of the European Union and its institucions and do not feel they have opportunities to express their opinion in the decision making. The purpose of the master thesis is to reveal the main features of the European Union communication strategy and to assess the activities of the Directorate General of Communication in the implementation of this strategy. The main tasks of the master thesis are to describe the preconditions of the European Union communication strategy, its purposes and evolution, and to reveal the means of communication implemented by the Directorate General of Communication. With the help of methods of descriptive and comparative analysis a conclusion was made that in order to remove the communication deficit, a comprehensive communication strategy is needed with the involvement of the institutions of the European Union, the governments of the Member States, local authorities, civil society organisations and all stakeholders. The European Commission is not capable to remove the gap which exists between the European Union and its citizens. Another conclusion was made that the means of the European Union communication strategy that are being implemented by the Directorate General of Communication partially contribute to the objectives stated in the European Union communication strategy. It should be added that they are not enough in order to ensure the full informing of the citizens and consultation as well as their participation in the decision making processes. While implementing one of the strategic principles of the European Union communication strategy "going local", the role of the representations of the European Commission should be strengthened as they know the best the local audiences.
Communication is an important part of the European Union democracy. European citizens have a right, as the intended beneficiaries of policy and as active participants in the democratic system, to impartial, objective and full information on the European Union in all official languages. Furthermore, the information that is being distributed should show citizens the specific advantages in their daily lives belonging to the European Union. However, the recent Eurobarometer results show that the citizens are not much aware of the European Union and its institucions and do not feel they have opportunities to express their opinion in the decision making. The purpose of the master thesis is to reveal the main features of the European Union communication strategy and to assess the activities of the Directorate General of Communication in the implementation of this strategy. The main tasks of the master thesis are to describe the preconditions of the European Union communication strategy, its purposes and evolution, and to reveal the means of communication implemented by the Directorate General of Communication. With the help of methods of descriptive and comparative analysis a conclusion was made that in order to remove the communication deficit, a comprehensive communication strategy is needed with the involvement of the institutions of the European Union, the governments of the Member States, local authorities, civil society organisations and all stakeholders. The European Commission is not capable to remove the gap which exists between the European Union and its citizens. Another conclusion was made that the means of the European Union communication strategy that are being implemented by the Directorate General of Communication partially contribute to the objectives stated in the European Union communication strategy. It should be added that they are not enough in order to ensure the full informing of the citizens and consultation as well as their participation in the decision making processes. While implementing one of the strategic principles of the European Union communication strategy "going local", the role of the representations of the European Commission should be strengthened as they know the best the local audiences.
Communication is an important part of the European Union democracy. European citizens have a right, as the intended beneficiaries of policy and as active participants in the democratic system, to impartial, objective and full information on the European Union in all official languages. Furthermore, the information that is being distributed should show citizens the specific advantages in their daily lives belonging to the European Union. However, the recent Eurobarometer results show that the citizens are not much aware of the European Union and its institucions and do not feel they have opportunities to express their opinion in the decision making. The purpose of the master thesis is to reveal the main features of the European Union communication strategy and to assess the activities of the Directorate General of Communication in the implementation of this strategy. The main tasks of the master thesis are to describe the preconditions of the European Union communication strategy, its purposes and evolution, and to reveal the means of communication implemented by the Directorate General of Communication. With the help of methods of descriptive and comparative analysis a conclusion was made that in order to remove the communication deficit, a comprehensive communication strategy is needed with the involvement of the institutions of the European Union, the governments of the Member States, local authorities, civil society organisations and all stakeholders. The European Commission is not capable to remove the gap which exists between the European Union and its citizens. Another conclusion was made that the means of the European Union communication strategy that are being implemented by the Directorate General of Communication partially contribute to the objectives stated in the European Union communication strategy. It should be added that they are not enough in order to ensure the full informing of the citizens and consultation as well as their participation in the decision making processes. While implementing one of the strategic principles of the European Union communication strategy "going local", the role of the representations of the European Commission should be strengthened as they know the best the local audiences.
