Suchergebnisse

The article examines the issue of legitimacy of decision-making in the framework of global governance. The research focuses on procedure aspects of policy-making in the European Union. Theoretical interpretations of "democratic deficit" are considered in the context related to European Union policy making. It is presented an attempt to recognize factors of legitimization the EU policy decision-making process. ; Статья посвящена исследованию вопросов легитимности принятия политических решений в структуре глобального управления. Фокусом анализа выступают процедурные аспекты формирования политических решений в Европейском Союзе. Рассматриваются научно-теоретические интерпретации проблемы т.н. "дефицита демократии" в общеевропейском контексте. Представлена попытка выявить факторы легитимации политических решений в Европейском Союзе. ; Стаття присвячена дослідженню питань легітимності прийняття політичних рішень в структурі глобального управління. У фокусі аналізу - процедурні аспекти в Європейському Союзі. Розглядаються науково-теоретичні інтерпретації проблеми т.зв. "дефіциту демократії" в загальноєвропейському контексті. Представлена спроба виявити чинники легітимізації політичних рішень в Європейському Союзі.

Аналізується теорія встановлення «порядку денного» в контексті розгляду існуючих інтерпретацій поняття «порядок денний ЄС»; визначаються перспективи застосування цього поняття при вивченні такого аспекту розвиткуєвропейського інтеграційного процесу, як проблема співвідношення наддержавної та національних складових. ; Анализируется теория установления «повестки дня» вконтексте рассмотрения существующих интерпретацийпонятия «повестка дня ЕС»; определяются перспективыприменения этого понятия при изучении такого аспектаразвития европейского интеграционного процесса, какпроблема соотношения надгосударственной и националь-ной составляющих ; The different approaches to the concept 'agenda' are closelyexamined. Particular emphasis is placed on the polisemanticcharacter of this concept. The ideas of agenda-setting theoryare thoroughly studied. In this theory the main idea isdefining the key role of the media in agenda-setting. Differenttypes of the 'agenda' are analyzed in details. The 'agenda' isdefined as particular set of public priorities. An importantpart of this research – analysis of agenda-setters of differenttypes of 'agendas'. Three types of 'agendas' (intrapersonal,interpersonal and perceived community agenda) arementioned. Besides proper attention is devoted to the problemof intercorrelation between such types of 'agendas' as public,political, media. Perceived community 'agenda' is consideredas general notion for every of this 'agendas'. Special attentionin this scientific paper is devoted to the 'European Union'sagenda'. It is accentuated that analysis of this concept can beconsiderd in the context of future development of such partof European studies as pro-integration factors of EuropeanUnion future evolution. From this point of view 'the EU'sagenda' is defind as an important part of the analysis ofEuropean integration process. At the same time this notionis viewed in light of the problem of proper balance betweensupranational and national components of the EU functioning.The EU 'democratic deficit' problem and its connection withthe supranational public sphere formation is viewed in thecontext of the EU's agenda-setting analysis. It is mentionedthe considerable media's role in these processes. Besidesother agenda-setters in the EU are considered (the EuropeanCommission, EU member states). As the result of this analysisit is mentioned that the 'European Union's agenda' is a properconcept that can be used in European studies

Introduction. Issues of budget deficits, public credit and debt form the sphere of debt finance – a model established in a particular country for ensuring the balance of the budget, the organization of government borrowings, the system of public debt management in order to influence the development of the economy and the functioning of public finance.Methods. The methods of abstraction, comparison, institutional analysis and idealization have been used.Results. The study draws attention to the microeconomic fundamentals of debt finance, considering them through the prism of the individual interests. It has been found out that the developed Western countries are characterized by the public nature of debt finances as a result of the evolutionary democratization of public debt – the accessibility of government debt operations to the general public. It is revealed that due to a number of institutional restrictions, the democratization of this sphere in Ukraine has not been fully implemented yet. It is proved that the public debt manifests the same power as pure public goods: the indivisibility in consumption and the impossibility to exclude from the debt burden, which enable its study as public bads. The key features that determine the social nature of debt finance in developed democratic countries are revealed. It is proved that the determinants of debt finance are both economic and political and institutional imbalances, not only in the area of public finance, but also at the level of economic entities. The key components of the institutional environment of the functioning of debt finance are considered: political decision- making mechanisms, procedures of the budget process, the institutional organization of the financial market. It is argued that one of the key shortcomings of the domestic practice of servicing domestic public debt is the insignificant share of debt owned by citizens.Conclusions. The disadvantages and obstacles of democratization of the model of borrowing in Ukraine are studied in the paper. A promising mechanism of financial inclusion of the population in transactions with government debt is proposed.

Розглядаються основні підходи до визначення сутності європейської публічної сфери, аналізується проблема її співвідношення із публічними сферами країн, які входять до складу ЄС. ; Рассматриваются основные подходы к определению сущности европейской публичной сферы, анализируется проблема ее соотношения с публичными сферами стран, которые входят в состав ЕС. ; A European public sphere is analyzed in details. The problem of (non-) existence of a European public sphere is defined as the subject of wide speculation in scientific literature. Particular emphasis is placed on the EU 'democratic deficit' problem and its connection with the supranational public sphere formation. It is accentuated that studies on a pan-European public sphere has an interdisciplinary character. The problem of normative and empirical understanding is considered in the context of an emerging supranational public sphere in the EU. From this point of view three strands of research ('the Utopian', 'the Elitist', 'the Realist') are scrutinized. Besides two main empirical approaches to a problem of defining the essence of transnational public sphere are closely examined: (1) media attention to the European affairs; (2) different aspects of the EU functioning as a subject of deliberation in national media. Hence the question of correlation (during deliberation in media) of European affairs and national issues is studied as crucial. Proper attention is devoted to the problem of empirical measurement of a European public sphere. At the same time mention is made of its normative conceptualizations (mainly the theory of J.Habermas). It is accentuated the importance of designation of the pre-conditions for the emergence of a pan-European public sphere. At that a transnational 'community of communication' is viewed in light of the problem of a European demos and its collective identity formation. An important part of this research is the issue of the Europeanization of national public spheres of the EU member states. Multidimensional model of the Europeanization of national public spheres is thoroughly studied.As the result of this analysis the problem of proper interaction of a pan-European and national public spheres is defined as a principal prerequisite for its effective functioning. As a conclusion the essential characteristics of transnational public sphere of the EU are designated.

The scientific article is devoted to the issue of complex legal analysis of both advantages and disadvantages of the contemporary system of Commission's quasi-legislative acts which is composed of implementing and delegated acts. Commission's implementing and delegated acts play a crucial role in the EU, but the abusive application by the EU legislator of the delegation of quasi-legislative powers to the Commission of the EU cause various negative consequences on the EU legal order. The author outlines the following positive sides of Commission's quasi-legislative acts: acceleration of the EU decision-making process, adding the EU decision-making process flexibility, improvement of the quality of the EU legislative acts and unloading the overall EU legislature's workload. Taking into account the latest statistics, the author has proved that the process of the adoption of implementing and delegated acts is in four times faster than ordinary and special legislative procedures. It is emphasized that COVID-19 outbreak in 2020 made the EU urgently enact a bunch of legislative acts that were mainly adopted in the form of Commission's quasi-legislative acts. The author also points out that the quality of the EU's legislation has been improved as well as EU's legislator workload has been greatly reduced because of Commission's implementing and delegated acts. At the same time, the author specifies that the absence of an explicit legal distinction between Commission's implementing and delegated acts leads to numerous interinstitutional litigations and disputes and undermines the hierarchy of legal acts under the provisions of the Lisbon Treaty. It is established that an excessive application by the Commission of the EU of the quasi-legislative instruments may breach the principle of institutional balance and may lead to the replacement of the sole EU legislator – the European Parliament and the Council. Eventually, the author argues that the lack of transparence and accountability of the Commission of the EU during the process of adoption of implementing and delegated acts deepen the 'democratic deficit' problem within the EU. ; Наукова стаття присвячена комплексному юридичному аналізу переваг та недоліків сучасної системи квазізаконодавчих актів Комісії ЄС, що складається з таких видів актів, як імплементаційні та делеговані. Імплементаційні та делеговані акти Комісії відіграють дуже важливу роль в ЄС, однак надмірне та часте використання механізму делегування квазізаконодавчих функцій Комісії ЄС з боку законотворця ЄС спричиняє різноманітні негативні наслідки для правопорядку ЄС. Автор виокремлює такі переваги системи квазізаконодавчих актів Комісії ЄС: прискорення процесу прийняття рішень на рівні ЄС; надання процесу прийняття рішень на рівні ЄС більшої гнучкості; покращення якості законодавчих актів ЄС, а також зменшення робочого навантаження на законотворця ЄС. Беручи до уваги останні статистичні дані, автор стверджує, що процес прийняття Комісією ЄС імплементаційних та делегованих актів є в чотири рази швидшим, ніж прийняття законодавчих актів за результатами звичайної та спеціальної законодавчої процедури. Зазначається, що спалах COVID-19 в 2020 році змусив ЄС швидко прийняти велику кількість законодавчих актів, які у своїй переважній більшості булиприйняті у формі квазізаконодавчих актів Комісії. Автор також підкреслює, що якість законодавства ЄС покращилась, а робоче навантаження на законотворця ЄС було зменшено саме завдяки імплементаційним та делегованим актам Комісії ЄС. Автор зазначає, що відсутність чіткого юридичного розмежування між імплементаційними та делегованими актами Комісії призводить до великої кількості міжінституційних суперечок та судових спорів, а також підриву ієрархії правових актів відповідно до положень Лісабонського Договору. Доведено, що надмірне застосування Комісією ЄС квазізаконодавчих інструментів може порушити принцип інституційного балансу та може призвести до заміни єдиного законотворця ЄС – Європейського Парламенту та Ради. Підсумовуючи, автор стверджує, що недостатність відкритості та підзвітності Комісії ЄС під час процесу прийняття імплементаційних та делегованих актів посилює проблему «дефіциту демократії» в ЄС.

As usual during reforms, first of all the reformers are trying to develop a reform strategy and to find the right financial and human resources. However, the social support for reforms and public confidence in reforms and reformers are equally important resources in carrying out reforms. Therefore, public trust is an equally important resource for reform, such as finance or staffing. Instead a lack of public confidence in reform processes can be an invisible barrier, an indicator of their effectiveness or inefficiency. Public trust is not an abstract concept. Public trust is a condition for the integration of society around a number of socially significant problems, the successful reformation of the country.The article analyzes public trust in Ukraine and outlines the consequences of its shortage in the processes of reforming society. For this purpose, the theoretical foundations of the phenomenon of public trust were defined, the notion of «institutionalized trust», «political alienation», «externalization of trust», «social capital» were distinguished; analyzed the state of institutionalized trust in Ukraine; the consequences of a deficit of institutionalized trust for the reform processes in Ukrainian society are analyzed. Such research makes it possible to understand the problems of the development of social capital in Ukraine and, in the light of this knowledge, to adjust the development of social development strategies, that is, the actual processes of reformation.Summing up, the author stated a significant deficit of institutional trust in Ukrainian society. It concerns both the basic organs of state power and the instruments of democracy. The deficit of institutionalized trust in Ukraine is converted into three phenomena: 1) political exclusion (citizens try to distance themselves from the state as much as possible); 2) in the radicalization of society; 3) externalization of trust (hence the popular opinion in the society about the expediency of «external management», faith in the «collective action», in the «collective Saakashvili»). Also, a lack of trust in society exacerbates radical sentiment and radical actions in society.It should be understood that Ukrainian society after EuroMaydan and Ukrainian society during the presidency of L. Kuchma, are qualitatively different societies. This confirms the dynamics of institutionalized trust. That is, EuroMaydan 2014 and Russian military aggression became a kind of «moment of great upheaval», which confirmed the demand for the revitalization of democratic institutions and elementary social justice. This means that in the near future one should expect the growth of civic activity and a surge in the demand for a radical change in the rules of the game - political institutions. Therefore for Ukraine is very important to maintain a balance between intensive political and public participation, but necessarily in a conventional way, and with an adequate response from public authorities to social inquiries. ; As usual during reforms, first of all the reformers are trying to develop a reform strategy and to find the right financial and human resources. However, the social support for reforms and public confidence in reforms and reformers are equally important resources in carrying out reforms. Therefore, public trust is an equally important resource for reform, such as finance or staffing. Instead a lack of public confidence in reform processes can be an invisible barrier, an indicator of their effectiveness or inefficiency. Public trust is not an abstract concept. Public trust is a condition for the integration of society around a number of socially significant problems, the successful reformation of the country.The article analyzes public trust in Ukraine and outlines the consequences of its shortage in the processes of reforming society. For this purpose, the theoretical foundations of the phenomenon of public trust were defined, the notion of «institutionalized trust», «political alienation», «externalization of trust», «social capital» were distinguished; analyzed the state of institutionalized trust in Ukraine; the consequences of a deficit of institutionalized trust for the reform processes in Ukrainian society are analyzed. Such research makes it possible to understand the problems of the development of social capital in Ukraine and, in the light of this knowledge, to adjust the development of social development strategies, that is, the actual processes of reformation.Summing up, the author stated a significant deficit of institutional trust in Ukrainian society. It concerns both the basic organs of state power and the instruments of democracy. The deficit of institutionalized trust in Ukraine is converted into three phenomena: 1) political exclusion (citizens try to distance themselves from the state as much as possible); 2) in the radicalization of society; 3) externalization of trust (hence the popular opinion in the society about the expediency of «external management», faith in the «collective action», in the «collective Saakashvili»). Also, a lack of trust in society exacerbates radical sentiment and radical actions in society.It should be understood that Ukrainian society after EuroMaydan and Ukrainian society during the presidency of L. Kuchma, are qualitatively different societies. This confirms the dynamics of institutionalized trust. That is, EuroMaydan 2014 and Russian military aggression became a kind of «moment of great upheaval», which confirmed the demand for the revitalization of democratic institutions and elementary social justice. This means that in the near future one should expect the growth of civic activity and a surge in the demand for a radical change in the rules of the game - political institutions. Therefore for Ukraine is very important to maintain a balance between intensive political and public participation, but necessarily in a conventional way, and with an adequate response from public authorities to social inquiries.

As usual during reforms, first of all the reformers are trying to develop a reform strategy and to find the right financial and human resources. However, the social support for reforms and public confidence in reforms and reformers are equally important resources in carrying out reforms. Therefore, public trust is an equally important resource for reform, such as finance or staffing. Instead a lack of public confidence in reform processes can be an invisible barrier, an indicator of their effectiveness or inefficiency. Public trust is not an abstract concept. Public trust is a condition for the integration of society around a number of socially significant problems, the successful reformation of the country.The article analyzes public trust in Ukraine and outlines the consequences of its shortage in the processes of reforming society. For this purpose, the theoretical foundations of the phenomenon of public trust were defined, the notion of «institutionalized trust», «political alienation», «externalization of trust», «social capital» were distinguished; analyzed the state of institutionalized trust in Ukraine; the consequences of a deficit of institutionalized trust for the reform processes in Ukrainian society are analyzed. Such research makes it possible to understand the problems of the development of social capital in Ukraine and, in the light of this knowledge, to adjust the development of social development strategies, that is, the actual processes of reformation.Summing up, the author stated a significant deficit of institutional trust in Ukrainian society. It concerns both the basic organs of state power and the instruments of democracy. The deficit of institutionalized trust in Ukraine is converted into three phenomena: 1) political exclusion (citizens try to distance themselves from the state as much as possible); 2) in the radicalization of society; 3) externalization of trust (hence the popular opinion in the society about the expediency of «external management», faith in the «collective action», in the «collective Saakashvili»). Also, a lack of trust in society exacerbates radical sentiment and radical actions in society.It should be understood that Ukrainian society after EuroMaydan and Ukrainian society during the presidency of L. Kuchma, are qualitatively different societies. This confirms the dynamics of institutionalized trust. That is, EuroMaydan 2014 and Russian military aggression became a kind of «moment of great upheaval», which confirmed the demand for the revitalization of democratic institutions and elementary social justice. This means that in the near future one should expect the growth of civic activity and a surge in the demand for a radical change in the rules of the game - political institutions. Therefore for Ukraine is very important to maintain a balance between intensive political and public participation, but necessarily in a conventional way, and with an adequate response from public authorities to social inquiries. ; As usual during reforms, first of all the reformers are trying to develop a reform strategy and to find the right financial and human resources. However, the social support for reforms and public confidence in reforms and reformers are equally important resources in carrying out reforms. Therefore, public trust is an equally important resource for reform, such as finance or staffing. Instead a lack of public confidence in reform processes can be an invisible barrier, an indicator of their effectiveness or inefficiency. Public trust is not an abstract concept. Public trust is a condition for the integration of society around a number of socially significant problems, the successful reformation of the country.The article analyzes public trust in Ukraine and outlines the consequences of its shortage in the processes of reforming society. For this purpose, the theoretical foundations of the phenomenon of public trust were defined, the notion of «institutionalized trust», «political alienation», «externalization of trust», «social capital» were distinguished; analyzed the state of institutionalized trust in Ukraine; the consequences of a deficit of institutionalized trust for the reform processes in Ukrainian society are analyzed. Such research makes it possible to understand the problems of the development of social capital in Ukraine and, in the light of this knowledge, to adjust the development of social development strategies, that is, the actual processes of reformation.Summing up, the author stated a significant deficit of institutional trust in Ukrainian society. It concerns both the basic organs of state power and the instruments of democracy. The deficit of institutionalized trust in Ukraine is converted into three phenomena: 1) political exclusion (citizens try to distance themselves from the state as much as possible); 2) in the radicalization of society; 3) externalization of trust (hence the popular opinion in the society about the expediency of «external management», faith in the «collective action», in the «collective Saakashvili»). Also, a lack of trust in society exacerbates radical sentiment and radical actions in society.It should be understood that Ukrainian society after EuroMaydan and Ukrainian society during the presidency of L. Kuchma, are qualitatively different societies. This confirms the dynamics of institutionalized trust. That is, EuroMaydan 2014 and Russian military aggression became a kind of «moment of great upheaval», which confirmed the demand for the revitalization of democratic institutions and elementary social justice. This means that in the near future one should expect the growth of civic activity and a surge in the demand for a radical change in the rules of the game - political institutions. Therefore for Ukraine is very important to maintain a balance between intensive political and public participation, but necessarily in a conventional way, and with an adequate response from public authorities to social inquiries.

In the present article the author has examined experience of Canada in legal regulation of lobbyism, its transformation to formal political institute, which is integral part of social and political processes and important regulation mechanism of social life. The author has distinguished main preconditions, which in 1960s had leaded to actualization of issue of enactment of lobbying act in Canada. They are presence of lobbying de­facto out of legal framework of the state, experience in lobbying legislation of the USA, the closest political and trade partner of Canada. Main attention has been drawn to «democratic deficit» and public demand to develop transparent regulated system of interaction between government and members of the public.In the present study process of enactment and reformation of legal basis for lobbying in Canada has been considered. The author has divided this process into three stages. The first stage includes development and enactment of Lobbyists Registration Act. The second one is connected with widening of legal base through enactment of amendments and additions to the Act, as well as with legal regulation of lobbying on the level of provinces and cities. The third stage covers scale reformation of legal acts regarding lobbying and enactment of Canadian Lobbying Act. Obligations and status of lobbying supervision body has been also changed along with the Lobbying Act. Office of Registrar, founded in 1989, has been transformed to independent agent of the Parliament of Canada. In its turn, Lobbyists Registration Office has been transformed to independent body of state power. ; У статті автор досліджує досвід Канади із законодавчої регламентації інституту лобізму, перетворення його на формалізований політичний інститут, що є невід'ємною частиною суспільно­політичних процесів і важливим засобом регуляції соціального життя. Автор виокремлює основні передумови, які у 60­х роках ХХ ст. привели до актуалізації питання ухвалення закону про лобіювання в Канаді, серед яких виділяє існування практики лобіювання де­факто поза правовим полем країни, досвід лобінгового законодавства США, найближчого політичного і торгівельного партнера Канади, основна увага приділяється так званому «демократичному дефіциту» та вимогам громадськості встановити прозору регульовану систему взаємодії державного управління з представниками суспільства.У роботі розглянуто процес ухвалення та реформування нормативно­правової бази Канади в сфері лобізму, в якій автор виокремив та дослідив три основні етапи. Перший етап включає розробку та ухвалення Закону Канади про реєстрацію лобістів. Другий етап пов'язаний з розширенням правової бази шляхом внесення змін та додатків до закону, а також законодавчою регламентацією лобіювання на рівні провінцій та міст. До третього етапу відноситься масштабне реформування законодавчої бази та набуття чинності Закону Канади про лобіювання. Поряд з трансформацією закону про лобіювання змінювалися обов'язки та статус контрольно­наглядового органу. Так, створена ще у 1989 році посада Реєстратора після значних трансформацій перетворилася на посаду одного з восьми незалежних агентів Парламенту Канади, а Відділ з реєстрації лобістів – на окремий та незалежний орган державної влади. ; У статті автор досліджує досвід Канади із законодавчої регламентації інституту лобізму, перетворення його на формалізований політичний інститут, що є невід'ємною частиною суспільно­політичних процесів і важливим засобом регуляції соціального життя. Автор виокремлює основні передумови, які у 60­х роках ХХ ст. привели до актуалізації питання ухвалення закону про лобіювання в Канаді, серед яких виділяє існування практики лобіювання де­факто поза правовим полем країни, досвід лобінгового законодавства США, найближчого політичного і торгівельного партнера Канади, основна увага приділяється так званому «демократичному дефіциту» та вимогам громадськості встановити прозору регульовану систему взаємодії державного управління з представниками суспільства.У роботі розглянуто процес ухвалення та реформування нормативно­правової бази Канади в сфері лобізму, в якій автор виокремив та дослідив три основні етапи. Перший етап включає розробку та ухвалення Закону Канади про реєстрацію лобістів. Другий етап пов'язаний з розширенням правової бази шляхом внесення змін та додатків до закону, а також законодавчою регламентацією лобіювання на рівні провінцій та міст. До третього етапу відноситься масштабне реформування законодавчої бази та набуття чинності Закону Канади про лобіювання. Поряд з трансформацією закону про лобіювання змінювалися обов'язки та статус контрольно­наглядового органу. Так, створена ще у 1989 році посада Реєстратора після значних трансформацій перетворилася на посаду одного з восьми незалежних агентів Парламенту Канади, а Відділ з реєстрації лобістів – на окремий та незалежний орган державної влади.

The United States of America, the world superpower and the European Union, the interstate union of 27 European states are part of the Western world, which is united by a common history, culture, democratic values and more. Nevertheless, competition between these entities is growing on the economic and political background. The election of Donald Trump as President of the United States in 2016 shocked the world and shocked Europe, and the specifics of his presidency exacerbated differences between the United States and the EU and forced the United States' foreign partners in Europe to get used to this factor. Trump's desire to "make America great again" and to fight the foreign trade deficit were the result of certain changes in their relations.Keywords: USA, President, Donald Trump, politics, European Union. ; Сполучені Штати Америки, світова наддержава, та Європейський Союз, міждержавне об`єднання 27 європейських держав, є частиною Західного світу, яких об`єднує спільна історія, культура, демократичні цінності тощо. Та, незважаючи на це, між цими суб`єктами на економічному та політичному тлі зростає і конкуренція. Обрання Дональда Трампа президентом США в 2016 році шокувало світ і сколихнуло Європу, а специфіка його президентства загострила розбіжності між Сполученими Штатами та ЄС і змушувала зарубіжних партнерів Сполучених Штатів у Європі звикати до цього фактору. Прагнення Д. Трампа "Зробити Америку знову великою" та боротьба з дефіцитом зовнішньої торгівлі стали наслідком певних змін в їхніх стосунках, дослідженню чого і присвячено статтю.Ключові слова: США, президент, Дональд Трамп, політика, Європейський Союз.

In this article the life and work of of K. Adenauer as a person, politician and statesman is shown.Thanks to the discipline, perseverance from the younger years he proved himself as a successful student in high school, the best law student at Bonn University, who passed a five-year course for two and a half years. In 1906 he was accepted for the position of assistant to the mayor of the city. Cologne, who served as the taxation and tax collection. He worked with enthusiasm from morning until midnight, resulting in the following 1907 city budget has become deficit-free. In 1909 he was elected first deputy mayor, and in 1914 became oberbuhomistr of Cologne, which proved to be initiative leader of the city. On the initiative of K. Adenauer several important projects were performed.Adenauer was not in good relations with the National Socialists. Catholic, who highly appreciated Christian moral values, could not come to an understanding with them. When the National Socialist German Workers Party came to power, K. Adenauer was dismissed from all posts.In 1945 the German state actually was eliminated. Learned from life and political experience Adenauer realized that it was unique and the only chance to lead the country and rebuild it. He creates a new party – the Christian Democratic Union. In September 1949 K. Adenauer was elected as Chancellor of Germany. For the first five years of his ruling, GDP increased by 48 % and real salary by 80 %.Another important direction of his activity was the foreign policy. He immediately chose the pro-European orientation, held the negotiations with the leaders of the Soviet Union, together with the President of France Adenaver had several meetings and eventually signed an agreement on reconciliation and friendship, which ended the centuries-old enmity.In 1952 in Germany was established the European Coal and Steel Community, and after 6 years was formed the European Economic Community, on which grew a huge structure of the European Union. In 1955 Germany became a member of the North Atlantic Alliance (NATO).K. Adenauer resigned on 15 October 1963 at the age of 87 years in good will. During the life of K. Adenauer he was highly appreciated by many world politicians for his political activity on many of the reforms inGermany. Today it can be a good example for Ukrainian statesmen. ; Проаналізовано життя і діяльність Конрада Аденауера як людини, політика і державного діяча. З націонал-соціалістами стосунки в Аденауера не склалися.У 1945 році німецька державність фактично була ліквідована. Аденауер зрозумів, що в нього з'явився унікальний і єдиний шанс очолити країну та відбудувати її. Він створив нову партію – Християнсько-демократичний союз. У вересні 1949 року К. Аденауер був обраний канцлером ФРН. За п'ять перших років його правління ВВП збільшився на 48 %, а реальна зарплата на 80 %.Другим важливим напрямом діяльності канцлера була зовнішня політика. Він зразу вибрав проєвропейську орієнтацію, провів складні переговори з лідерами СРСР, підписав угоду про примирення і дружбу з президентом Франції, що поклало край багатовіковій ворожнечі.У 1952 році в Німеччині було створено Європейське об'єднання вугілля і сталі, а через 6 років Європейське економічне співтовариство, на основі яких було утворено Європей­ський Союз. У 1955 році Німеччина стала членом Північноатлантичного альянсу (НАТО).У відставку К. Аденауер пішов 15 жовтня 1963 року у віці 87 років. Ще за життя К. Аденауера високо оцінило багато світовий політиків за його державну діяльність, за прове­дення багатьох реформ з відбудови Німеччини. І сьогодні він може бути добрим прикладом для українських державних діячів.

У статті здійснюється соціолого-правове обґрунтування тези, що в структурі політичної свідомості відбувається гармонійне поєднання та інтеріоризація політико-правових цінностей на об'єктивному підґрунті взаємозалежності політики і права; визначено їх зміст і органічний зв'язок з політичною культурою та правовою мораллю. ; В статье осуществляется социолого-правовое обоснование тезиса о том, что в структуре политического сознания происходит гармоничное объединение и интериоризация политико-правовых ценностей на объективной почве взаимозависимости политики и права; определены их содержание и органическая связь с политической культурой и правовой моралью. ; The sociological and legal ground of thesis is carried out in the article, that in the structure of political consciousness there is harmonious association and interiorization of political and legal values on objective soil of interdependence of policy and right; their maintenance and organic connection is certain with a political culture and legal moral. Actuality of researches of problem of taking root of political and legal values in consciousness of man is conditioned that its opening gives prospects for realization of effective strategies from reformation of political and legal spheres of society at the terms of democratization of Ukraine.In the difficult world of Policy and Law for a value carry out the role of leading criteria and ideological markers which determine landmarks for social consolidation of citizens and maintenance them political and legal activity. Even formal interpretation of fundamental values of life of man – world, freedom, sovereignty, justice, social equality, law and order, democracy – basic aspects of understanding of right and elements of legal form of public relations – expressly fixes the valued status of law and democratic consciousness.Sociology interprets political and legal values, as an aggregate of ideas, standard presentations, proof psychological options, orientations, stereotypes, which determine directions of political activity, and reproduce political ideals and interests of social subjects. To them take, foremost – democracy, political freedom, social equality and justice, human rights and their guarantees. These values are executed by the functions of assistance integration of group in system integrity; determine the hierarchy of political aims and influence on electing of legal facilities and political technologies in relation to their realization. To most formed common to all mankind political and legal universals belong: common to all mankind ideals and principles; international political symbolism; state system; international language of policy and right; international law. Sure, a legal law and legal state – also the absolute legal values of political consciousness of man and valued requirement in relation to realization of democratic policy. But political consciousness of modern Ukrainians is overloaded system problems – corruption of power, by the legal collisions of state plenary powers, dualism of functions of executive power (a president ↔ a government), weak efficiency of parliament, deficit of resources of local self-government (even at the terms of decentralization), corrupted of courts, which conduces to the loss of social trust and legitimacy of power. In obedience to sociological information, from 2012 to 2014, in a period historical ordeals, in the population of Ukraine considerably the index of participating rose in political life; mentality of the Ukrainian citizens demonstrates the certain valued metamorphoses, related above all things to growth of national consolidation, patriotism and values of democracy.

Problem setting. The development of the Ukrainian state is stipulated by the interaction of various external and internal factors that affect the socio-economic development of the country. These and other influences act from the outside, and objectively influence social processes in Ukraine. Because of this, the problem of the efficiency of public financial management comes to the fore, which in the new economic environment becomes of particular importance. The effectiveness of managerial actions, in this case, should be aimed at the effective use of public funds following their rational allocation, thus determining the main vectors of further development of the Ukrainian state. Recent research and publications analysis. Public finance management is the subject of research of many domestic and foreign scholars. In particular, there are interesting the works of such researchers as O. Dluhopolskyi, T. Yefymenko, O. Kyrylenko, S. Klimova, G. Kotina, I. Malyi, R. Allen, W. Crandall, V. Fritz, D. Kaufmann, A. Kraay, M. Mastruzzi, Minh Le T. and others. In their works, scholars study the main theoretical and practical aspects of public finance management, the features of their rational redistribution because of democratic processes and decentralization transformations in a given state. However, the rapid development of the world community and the changes that are taking place in Ukraine as a result of these transformations stipulate the necessity of deep and thorough research taking into consideration the economic conditions that are formed under the influence of global disturbances.Highlighting previously unsettled parts of the general problem. The article aims at substantiating the areas of improving the efficiency of public finance management in the new economic environment, basing on a study of the category of efficiency in public finance management, analysis of problems related to the distribution and redistribution of public funds in Ukraine.Paper main body. The effectiveness of public financial management should be seen as the ability of the government system to act in such a way as best to meet the requirements and challenges of the external environment, ensuring sufficient, rational and economically sound use of financial resources for the internal environment. Today, it is doubtful to say that public financial management in Ukraine is quite adequate, as there are too many problems in this area that need attention and immediate solution by public authorities: budget programs in modern realities provide for the financing of public institutions instead of financing services, which are provided by these institutions; ineffective system of control, monitoring and audit of the use of state funds, in particular, by the public in the absence of unique indicators for assessing the goals set in the process of using funds; high level of corruption of state authorities, which directly affects the procedures for distribution and use of state funds; high rates of public debt and budget deficit are evidences of a significant imbalance in the public finance system; macroeconomic and budgetary planning and forecasting often deal with political bias and biased data, poor forecast execution, and weak information and software; insufficient legal, institutional and methodological support of the public finance management process.These and other problems in the field of public finance management directly affect the socio-economic development of the Ukrainian state and its positioning on the world stage. In particular, this is evidenced by such an indicator as the Index of Economic Freedom, as well as the negative dynamics of the budget deficit in Ukraine in recent years.To this end, reform measures should be introduced in the field of public administration, which can be grouped into such areas as legal, institutional, organizational and technological. Regulatory and legal support of public finance management needs particular attention, as the measures presented in the Public Financial Management System Reform Strategy for 2017 – 2020 need a logical continuation in the new strategy. Accordingly, methodological support should be improved through the use of the latest methods and systems for assessing the effectiveness of public finances. The organizational direction should increase the transparency of the management system by improving the work of specialized analytical modules and information systems. The technological direction is based on the digitalization of public services, which is gaining more and more positions in the field of public administration.These areas are interrelated and designed to address the main tasks of improving public finance management, efficient use of financial resources of the state, reducing the budget deficit and further effective budgetary, tax and administrative reforms in the state.Conclusions of the research and prospects for further studies. In current conditions, there are many unresolved problems in the state, which are related to the inefficient use of state funds and, on this basis, in the decline of public confidence in the authorities. Suggested directions of improving the efficiency of public financial management in the new economic environment reflect the necessity to change the legal, institutional, technological and organizational environment in Ukraine in the process of public financial management, due to the real need to take into account environmental changes and respond flexibly to challenges, which again and again arise in new conditions of the national and world economy functioning. ; Розглянуто особливості управління публічними фінансами в нових економічних умовах. Проаналізовано категорію ефективності у сфері управління публічними фінансами. Розглянуто проблеми, які пов'язані із ефективним розподілом та перерозподілом державних коштів в Україні. Обґрунтовано напрями підвищення ефективності управління публічними фінансами в нових економічних умовах.

Problem setting. The development of the Ukrainian state is stipulated by the interaction of various external and internal factors that affect the socio-economic development of the country. These and other influences act from the outside, and objectively influence social processes in Ukraine. Because of this, the problem of the efficiency of public financial management comes to the fore, which in the new economic environment becomes of particular importance. The effectiveness of managerial actions, in this case, should be aimed at the effective use of public funds following their rational allocation, thus determining the main vectors of further development of the Ukrainian state. Recent research and publications analysis. Public finance management is the subject of research of many domestic and foreign scholars. In particular, there are interesting the works of such researchers as O. Dluhopolskyi, T. Yefymenko, O. Kyrylenko, S. Klimova, G. Kotina, I. Malyi, R. Allen, W. Crandall, V. Fritz, D. Kaufmann, A. Kraay, M. Mastruzzi, Minh Le T. and others. In their works, scholars study the main theoretical and practical aspects of public finance management, the features of their rational redistribution because of democratic processes and decentralization transformations in a given state. However, the rapid development of the world community and the changes that are taking place in Ukraine as a result of these transformations stipulate the necessity of deep and thorough research taking into consideration the economic conditions that are formed under the influence of global disturbances.Highlighting previously unsettled parts of the general problem. The article aims at substantiating the areas of improving the efficiency of public finance management in the new economic environment, basing on a study of the category of efficiency in public finance management, analysis of problems related to the distribution and redistribution of public funds in Ukraine.Paper main body. The effectiveness of public financial management should be seen as the ability of the government system to act in such a way as best to meet the requirements and challenges of the external environment, ensuring sufficient, rational and economically sound use of financial resources for the internal environment. Today, it is doubtful to say that public financial management in Ukraine is quite adequate, as there are too many problems in this area that need attention and immediate solution by public authorities: budget programs in modern realities provide for the financing of public institutions instead of financing services, which are provided by these institutions; ineffective system of control, monitoring and audit of the use of state funds, in particular, by the public in the absence of unique indicators for assessing the goals set in the process of using funds; high level of corruption of state authorities, which directly affects the procedures for distribution and use of state funds; high rates of public debt and budget deficit are evidences of a significant imbalance in the public finance system; macroeconomic and budgetary planning and forecasting often deal with political bias and biased data, poor forecast execution, and weak information and software; insufficient legal, institutional and methodological support of the public finance management process.These and other problems in the field of public finance management directly affect the socio-economic development of the Ukrainian state and its positioning on the world stage. In particular, this is evidenced by such an indicator as the Index of Economic Freedom, as well as the negative dynamics of the budget deficit in Ukraine in recent years.To this end, reform measures should be introduced in the field of public administration, which can be grouped into such areas as legal, institutional, organizational and technological. Regulatory and legal support of public finance management needs particular attention, as the measures presented in the Public Financial Management System Reform Strategy for 2017 – 2020 need a logical continuation in the new strategy. Accordingly, methodological support should be improved through the use of the latest methods and systems for assessing the effectiveness of public finances. The organizational direction should increase the transparency of the management system by improving the work of specialized analytical modules and information systems. The technological direction is based on the digitalization of public services, which is gaining more and more positions in the field of public administration.These areas are interrelated and designed to address the main tasks of improving public finance management, efficient use of financial resources of the state, reducing the budget deficit and further effective budgetary, tax and administrative reforms in the state.Conclusions of the research and prospects for further studies. In current conditions, there are many unresolved problems in the state, which are related to the inefficient use of state funds and, on this basis, in the decline of public confidence in the authorities. Suggested directions of improving the efficiency of public financial management in the new economic environment reflect the necessity to change the legal, institutional, technological and organizational environment in Ukraine in the process of public financial management, due to the real need to take into account environmental changes and respond flexibly to challenges, which again and again arise in new conditions of the national and world economy functioning. ; Розглянуто особливості управління публічними фінансами в нових економічних умовах. Проаналізовано категорію ефективності у сфері управління публічними фінансами. Розглянуто проблеми, які пов'язані із ефективним розподілом та перерозподілом державних коштів в Україні. Обґрунтовано напрями підвищення ефективності управління публічними фінансами в нових економічних умовах.

The paper clarifies the specificity of the interrelationship between the power and the political opposition in Hungary in the context of the theory of conversion of public capital. Particular attention has been paid to the power reloading stage, which logically should have led to systemic changes and deepening of modernization processes.The qualitative features, rates, and results of the modernization of Hungarian political system were mainly determined by how effectively political parties used the competitive conditions in order to accumulate and convert various forms of capital at the beginning of the transformation period. Even at the stage of the first democratic elections, they were able to quickly fill up the vacuum existing in the political field, and the chosen strategies were successful both for them and for the democratization of the political regime.Rational motives, based on access to power resources, are at the heart of the interaction between government and political opposition in Hungary. The choice of either a confrontational or cooperative engagement strategy depended on the parties' estimated transaction costs. Limitation of democratic rights and freedoms as a result of the political activity of the pro-government parties became a barrier to healthy competition in which the opposition was primarily interested.The example of Hungary demonstrates that simulation modernization, democratization, and accelerated Europeanization trigger the political significance of the «gap» as a resource for the accumulation of political capital by pro-government parties and the creation of their own network of clientelist relations. Consequently, the country falls into an institutional trap which results in the crisis of democracy. The combination of parliamentary and non-parliamentary opposition gives us a possibility to conceptualize the «deficit of democracy» in election programs, and to «correct» the mistakes of the previous government after coming to power. That is why the alternation of parties in power ultimately leads to the consolidation of democracy. ; Вияснено специфіку взаємовідносин влади та політичної опозиції в Угорщині в контексті теорії конвертації суспільних капіталів. Особлива увага приділена етапу перезавантаження влади, що логічно мало б призвести до системних змін та поглиблення модернізаційних процесів.Якісні характеристики, темпи і результати модернізації політичної системи в Угорщині у значній мірі визначалися тим, наскільки ефективно політичні партії скористалися конкурентними умовами для накопичення та конвертації різних форм капіталів на початку трансформаційного періоду. Вже на етапі перших демократичних виборів вони змогли швидко заповнити вакуум політичного поля, а обрані стратегії виявилися успішними як для них, так і для демократизації політичного режиму.В основі взаємодії уряду та політичної опозиції в Угорщині лежать раціональні мотиви, в основі яких доступ до владних ресурсів. Вибір конфронтаційної чи коопераційної стратегії взаємодії залежав від прогнозованих трансакційних витрат сторін. Звуження демократичних прав і свобод як результат політичної діяльності провладних партій, стає перепоною для здорової конкуренції в якій зацікавлена насамперед опозиція.Приклад Угорщини показує, що імітаційна модернізація, демократизація та прискорена європеїзація призводять до політичної значимості «розриву» як ресурсу для накопичення політичного капіталу провладними партіями та створення ними власної мережі клієнтелістських відносин. В результаті відбувається потрапляння країни до інституційної пастки з наслідком кризи демократії. Поєднання парламентської та позапарламентської діяльності опозиції дозволяє концептуалізувати «дефіцит демократії» в передвиборчих програмах та з приходом до влади «виправити» помилки попереднього уряду. Тому чергування партій при владі призводить в кінцевому рахунку до зміцнення деморатії.

The paper clarifies the specificity of the interrelationship between the power and the political opposition in Hungary in the context of the theory of conversion of public capital. Particular attention has been paid to the power reloading stage, which logically should have led to systemic changes and deepening of modernization processes.The qualitative features, rates, and results of the modernization of Hungarian political system were mainly determined by how effectively political parties used the competitive conditions in order to accumulate and convert various forms of capital at the beginning of the transformation period. Even at the stage of the first democratic elections, they were able to quickly fill up the vacuum existing in the political field, and the chosen strategies were successful both for them and for the democratization of the political regime.Rational motives, based on access to power resources, are at the heart of the interaction between government and political opposition in Hungary. The choice of either a confrontational or cooperative engagement strategy depended on the parties' estimated transaction costs. Limitation of democratic rights and freedoms as a result of the political activity of the pro-government parties became a barrier to healthy competition in which the opposition was primarily interested.The example of Hungary demonstrates that simulation modernization, democratization, and accelerated Europeanization trigger the political significance of the «gap» as a resource for the accumulation of political capital by pro-government parties and the creation of their own network of clientelist relations. Consequently, the country falls into an institutional trap which results in the crisis of democracy. The combination of parliamentary and non-parliamentary opposition gives us a possibility to conceptualize the «deficit of democracy» in election programs, and to «correct» the mistakes of the previous government after coming to power. That is why the alternation of parties in power ultimately leads to the consolidation of democracy. ; Вияснено специфіку взаємовідносин влади та політичної опозиції в Угорщині в контексті теорії конвертації суспільних капіталів. Особлива увага приділена етапу перезавантаження влади, що логічно мало б призвести до системних змін та поглиблення модернізаційних процесів.Якісні характеристики, темпи і результати модернізації політичної системи в Угорщині у значній мірі визначалися тим, наскільки ефективно політичні партії скористалися конкурентними умовами для накопичення та конвертації різних форм капіталів на початку трансформаційного періоду. Вже на етапі перших демократичних виборів вони змогли швидко заповнити вакуум політичного поля, а обрані стратегії виявилися успішними як для них, так і для демократизації політичного режиму.В основі взаємодії уряду та політичної опозиції в Угорщині лежать раціональні мотиви, в основі яких доступ до владних ресурсів. Вибір конфронтаційної чи коопераційної стратегії взаємодії залежав від прогнозованих трансакційних витрат сторін. Звуження демократичних прав і свобод як результат політичної діяльності провладних партій, стає перепоною для здорової конкуренції в якій зацікавлена насамперед опозиція.Приклад Угорщини показує, що імітаційна модернізація, демократизація та прискорена європеїзація призводять до політичної значимості «розриву» як ресурсу для накопичення політичного капіталу провладними партіями та створення ними власної мережі клієнтелістських відносин. В результаті відбувається потрапляння країни до інституційної пастки з наслідком кризи демократії. Поєднання парламентської та позапарламентської діяльності опозиції дозволяє концептуалізувати «дефіцит демократії» в передвиборчих програмах та з приходом до влади «виправити» помилки попереднього уряду. Тому чергування партій при владі призводить в кінцевому рахунку до зміцнення деморатії.