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Frontmatter -- CHAPTER FOUR Myth and Folktale -- CONTRIBUTORS -- ACKNOWLEDGMENTS -- Chapter 1 GLOBALIZATION AND GOVERNANCE -- PART 1 Globalization and Changing Locations of Governance -- Chapter 2 THE LEVERAGE OF ECONOMIC THEORIES Explaining Governance in an Internationalized Industry -- Chapter 3 POLITICAL INTEGRATION AND DISINTEGRATION IN THE GLOBAL ECONOMY -- Chapter 4 GLOBALIZATION AND FISCAL DECENTRALIZATION -- Chapter 5 GLOBALIZATION AND DEMANDS FOR REGIONAL AUTONOMY IN EUROPE -- Chapter 6 MONETARY GOVERNANCE IN A WORLD OF REGIONAL CURRENCIES -- Chapter 7 GOVERNING GLOBAL FINANCIAL MARKETS International Responses to the Hedge-Fund Problem -- Chapter 8 PUBLIC AND PRIVATE GOVERNANCE IN SETTING INTERNATIONAL STANDARDS -- Chapter 9 GLOBALIZATION AND INDUSTRY SELF-REGULATION -- PART 2 Convergence in National Governance -- Chapter 10 INTERNATIONAL CAPITAL MOBILITY AND NATIONAL POLICY DIVERGENCE -- Chapter 11 GLOBALIZATION AND POLICY DIFFUSION Explaining Three Decades of Liberalization -- Chapter 12 CORPORATE GOVERNANCE Global Markets, National Politics -- Chapter 13 GLOBALIZATION, INSTITUTIONS, AND CONVERGENCE Fiscal Adjustment in Europe -- PART 3 Democratic Deficits and the Problem of Accountability -- Chapter 14 DEMOCRACY, ACCOUNTABILITY, AND RIGHTS IN SUPRANATIONAL GOVERNANCE -- Chapter 15 REDEFINING ACCOUNTABILITY FOR GLOBAL GOVERNANCE -- GLOBALIZATION AND CHANGING PATTERNS OF POLITICAL AUTHORITY -- REFERENCES -- INDEX

"Britain, France and Europe, 1945-1975 offers a comparative history of sharply contrasting national experiences in the aftermath of the Second World War. Perceived as a failing power, post-war France seized the initiative in European construction, gaining ascendancy in Western Europe; Britain became the sick man. How and why did the French outsmart their arch-rivals? Drawing on American, British and French official records, together with private papers and interviews, Anthony Adamthwaite explores the reasons for French success. As well as reassessing Britain's membership bids for the European Community, the analysis evaluates key influences: the mental maps of decision makers; leadership styles; the post-1945 international system; policy making machinery; the 'democratic deficit' in British and French politics; public opinion. Britain's altercation with the Community's French doorkeeper, argues the author, ignored the elephant in the room - the need for a revived entente in the Cold War era. An Anglo-French couple powering European unity could have repositioned Western Europe as partner, not client of the United States. This enlightening study highlights the importance of contingency and individual actors, and will be of great interest to scholars of modern European history."--

The democratic deficit / Gianfranco Pasquino -- Participación ciudadana y desconfianza : condiciones para la profundización democrática / NoemI Bergantinos -- Democracia e Internet en el contexto de las teorías neocontracturlistas : una proupesta desde la economía política de la comunicación / Rafael Rodríguez Prieto -- Hoy la democracia se juega en Twitter / César Cansino -- Democracia participativa y fortalecimiento de la ciudadania en Baja California / Luis Enrique Concepción Montiel y Christian Noberto Hernández Aguirre -- Democracia y sistema electoral en Baja California / Marina del Pilar Olmeda GarcIa y Marina del Pilar Avila Olmeda -- Instituciones, partidos y participación en América Latina / Esther del Campo -- El movimiento 15M : una nueva forma de participación social / Sandra Martín García -- #Yosoy132 y la elección presidencial 2012 / Víctor Alejandro Espinoza Valle y Ana Claudia Coutigno Ramírez -- Participación, marginalidad política y la nueva ciudadanía / Leopoldo Martínez Herrera -- Recursos cognitivos para la toma de decisiones políticas informadas : el caso de Baja California / Rosa María AvendaNo Millán -- Nuevos mecanismos para votar : la urna electrónica en Baja California / Leonor Maldonado Meza y Fernando González Reynoso -- El Instituto Nacional Electoral en México / Alejandro Sánchez Sánchez y Gloria Aurora de la Fuentes Lacavex

Cover Page -- Title Page -- Copyright Page -- Contents -- List of Figures -- List of Tables -- Notes on Contributors -- Preface -- Acknowledgements -- List of Abbreviations -- PART I: INTRODUCTION -- 1 The Eurozone Crisis and Other Policy Challenges in the EU -- PART II: THE EUROZONE CRISIS -- 2 Eurozone: Creeping Decay, Sudden Death or Magical Solution? -- 3 the eurozone crisis and the fiscal treaty: implications for the social dimension and democracy -- 4 britain and monetary union -- PART III: OTHER POLICY DEVELOPMENTS AND CHALLENGES -- 5 the common agricultural policy: the right path versus blind alleys -- 6 new challenges for eu trade policy-making: why is the eu pursuing a comprehensive economic and trade agreement with canada? -- PART IV: DEEPENING, WIDENING OR MULTISPEED INTEGRATION? -- 7 Direct Democracy: Remedying the Democratic Deficit? -- 8 Europe After the Greek Default: Widening, Deepening, or Splitting? -- 9 Chronic Anxiety: Schengen and the Fear of Enlargement -- 10 Crossroads of Integration? The Future of Schengen in the Wake of the Arab Spring -- PART V: CONCLUDING CHAPTER -- 11 Equilibrium, Further Deepening or More 'Variable Geometry': Reflections on the Future of European Integration -- Index.

Collective identity, the emotionally powerful sense of belonging to a group, is a crucial source of popular legitimacy for nations. However efforts since the 1990s to politically support European integration by using identity mechanisms borrowed from nationalism have had very limited success. European integration may require new, post-national approaches to the relationship between culture and politics. This controversial and timely volume poses the logical question: if identity doesn't effectively connect culture with European integration politics, what does? The book brings together leading scholars from several of the disciplines that have developed concepts of culture and methods of cultural research. These expert interdisciplinary contributors apply a startling diversity of approaches to culture, linking it to facets of integration as varied as external policy, the democratic deficit, economic dynamism and the geography of integration. This book examines commonalities and connections within the European space, as well as representations of these in identity discourses. It will be useful for students and scholars of sociology, geography, anthropology, social psychology, political science and the history of European integration

New genetic technologies cut across a range of public regulatory domains and private lifeworlds, often appearing to generate an institutional void in response to the complex challenges they pose. As a result, a number of new social formations are being developed to legitimate public engagement and avoid the perceived democratic deficit that may result. Papers in this volume discuss a variety of these manifestations in a global context, including: genetic data banks committees of inquiry non-governmental organisations (NGOs) national research laboratories. These institutions, across both health and agriculture, are explored in such diverse locations as Amazonia, China, Finland, Israel, the UK and the USA. This volume exhibits a clear thematic coherence around the impact of the new genetics and their associated technologies on new social formations, and the case studies included have a significant international focus, showing a balance between theoretical and empirical approaches in this rapidly changing field. This innovative new volume will be of interest to postgraduates and professionals in the fields of sociology, social anthropology, science and technology studies, and environmental studies.

Chapter 1 Hard and soft power --part Part 1 The power and limits of realism --chapter 2 Old wars and future wars --Causation and prevention --chapter 3 Neorealism and neoliberalism --chapter 4 Conflicts after the Cold War --part Part 2 America's hard and soft power --chapter 5 The changing nature of world power --chapter 6 Soft power --chapter 7 The information revolution and American soft power --chapter 8 The new Rome meets the new barbarians --part PART 3 Ideas and morality --chapter 9 Nationalism, statesmen, and the size of African states --chapter 10 The ethics of foreign policy --chapter 11 NPT: the logic of inequality --part Part 4 Interdependence, globalization, and governance --chapter 12 Independence and interdependence --chapter 13 Transgovernmental relations and international organizations 1975 /WITH ROBERT O. KEOHANE, --chapter 14 Globalization: what's new? what's not? (and so what?) 2000 --What's new? what's not? /WITH ROBERT O. KEOHANE, --chapter 15 Globalization's democratic deficit: how to make international institutions more accountable --chapter 16 Terrorism --part Part 5 Praxis and theory --chapter 17 Essay on career choice.

AbstractIn 1910, David Lloyd George, who was serving as chancellor of the exchequer in the Liberal government, opined that: 'Wales had been solid for disestablishment for 40 years' (The Times, 18 Jan. 1910, p.12). According to Lloyd George, this aspiration had been thwarted by the political reality that: 'if a Bill went up to the House of Lords it would not have the slightest chance of getting through'. At its core, the quest for the disestablishment of the Anglican church in Wales was viewed as an unprecedented constitutional and political change. It threatened to dismember one of the pillars of the English state and thereby sever a church/state relationship which, it was argued, predated parliament itself. This article will address the democratic deficit in Wales where the desire of the electorate had been repeatedly frustrated over decades, and the way disestablishment legislation would eventually be enacted through the provisions of the Parliament Act 1911. The final ignominy was that the delay inherent in the new parliamentary process would jeopardise the disestablishment that it had enabled, and this was evident in the first years of the Great War.

Abstract
Bosnia and Herzegovina (BiH) longs for stability and development as it continues to be held back by the dysfunctional political system, weak institutions, rampant corruption and ethnonationalist rhetoric. It is caught in a vicious cycle of crises generated by some of its political elite that has hampered BiH's social, political and economic progress. The international community, including the Office of High Representative (OHR), has taken on the responsibility of safeguarding the rights of three Constituent people and Others, ensuring peace prevails in BiH (OHR 2022). In particular, the OHR was established to drive reforms and institution-building in BiH but has often been hobbled by inadequate and reluctant political support. Considering the uniqueness of the High Representative's position in BiH, further research is needed on its role, evolution, impact and acceptance. The research applies the role theory to examine the HR role (i.e., conception, performance and recognition). The OHR continues to play an essential role in BiH and cannot be closed until BiH makes significant progress toward state-building, which includes establishing strong institutions and addressing the democratic deficit, promoting a common national identity and the interethnic trust.

This article focuses on the planning-technology nexus. Recently, scholars have begun to explore the potential of digital technology in overcoming the long-standing limitations of a lack of public engagement and citizen empowerment in the planning process. In England, White Paper to democratise, digitise, and digitalise the planning system. In this article, we unpack and interrogate whether these radical reforms constitute a 'planning revolution' or an 'attack on planning'; to do so, we focus on two important issues: democratic deficit, and digital divide. More broadly, we examine expressed value statements about how developments in digitisation and digitalisation may meet the Government's desire to make the planning process more inclusive (i.e. equitable, fair, just) by empowering greater numbers of ordinary people to engage with and, more importantly, influence planning decisions that affect the future of their local communities. Our motivation in this agenda- setting article is to reflect on these contemporaneous perspectives on the English planning landscape, and more broadly critically reflect on the values and political rhetoric expressed in embracing the latest technological innovations in process and practice, and how these intersect with societal concerns.

The article presents selected sources of crisis of the European integration process and the potential consequences of the collapse of unification tendencies in Europe. It elucidates the reasons for contesting projects of deepening cooperation within this supranational community, with particular emphasis on the problems affecting various areas of unification tendencies. The outcomes of undermining confidence in the liberal paradigm of world politics are debated, as well as the background of superficial imitation of the process of Europeanization, leading to the reconstruction of the former center-peripheral divisions. The consequences of democratic deficit phenomenon in the context of the collapse of legitimacy of the integration regime are also discussed. The work includes comments on the possible effects of decomposition tendencies in the area of civic rights, as well as the impact of disintegration in the sense of security in Europe. According to the author, the above phenomena may initialize a split in the Western world, leading to break in its political unity, and starting an era of fear and uncertainty as a prelude to the creation of a new order in the continent.

Faced with the present migrant crisis and the dismal record of Europe in protecting vulnerable refugees' and migrants' rights, what could be the view of the moral philosopher? The contrast between the principles enshrined in the European Charter of Fundamental Rights and the reality of present policies is shocking, but more scrutiny will show that it is the result of a larger trend towards an understanding of freedom mostly in economic terms, at a time when economists such as Amartya Sen have revised their approach to economic growth and prosperity, noting the central role played by a much richer conception of freedom. The paper will scrutinize these inconsistencies and the conception of the person from which they derive and will provide an alternative and more coherent moral vision that could strengthen the legitimacy of the European Charter, at a time of growing dissatisfaction and so-called democratic deficit. Such a vision could help reconnect the Charter with a conception of the human person as in need not solely of passive legal protection, but also of active promotion of her self-respect and capabilities, and of her aspiration to a valuable life.

How is arbitrary rule – dominance – to be avoided when political differentiation is on the rise in the multilevel constellation that makes up the European Union? The EU is a power-wielding entity, that, due to its democratic deficits, is an instance of arbitrary rule, which differentiation only serves to exacerbate. This article discusses which political framework prevents dominance under conditions of asymmetric and complex interdependence, and economic integration in Europe. Under these conditions, the framework of international law is deficient, as the agreements with the associated non-members – the European Economic Area Agreement (EEA) and Switzerland – document. Here dominance appears to be self-incurred but nevertheless in breach with political freedom. Another is the framework suggested by Jürgen Habermas, of a pouvoir constituant mixte. Also, this framework raises the danger of arbitrary rule, as there is a risk that the autonomy of citizens would be pre-empted by the sovereignty of their states. The article holds the framework of a regional cosmopolitan federation – a rights-based polity with a distinct territorial reach – as more promising.

How is arbitrary rule – dominance – to be avoided when political differentiation is on the rise in the multilevel constellation that makes up the European Union? The EU is a power-wielding entity, that, due to its democratic deficits, is an instance of arbitrary rule, which differentiation only serves to exacerbate. This article discusses which political framework prevents dominance under conditions of asymmetric and complex interdependence, and economic integration in Europe. Under these conditions, the framework of international law is deficient, as the agreements with the associated non-members – the European Economic Area Agreement (EEA) and Switzerland – document. Here dominance appears to be self-incurred but nevertheless in breach with political freedom. Another is the framework suggested by Jürgen Habermas, of a pouvoir constituant mixte. Also, this framework raises the danger of arbitrary rule, as there is a risk that the autonomy of citizens would be pre-empted by the sovereignty of their states. The article holds the framework of a regional cosmopolitan federation – a rights-based polity with a distinct territorial reach – as more promising.

Much of the literature on migration policy has proclaimed a gap between what parties say and what parties do. The "gap-hypothesis" expects political parties to deliver "tough talk" and "weak action" on the issue of migration. This article tests this idea empirically by asking whether political parties keep their electoral promises on migration policy. The analysis of governments across 18 West European countries between 1980 and 2014 makes use of a new cabinet-based data set of migration policy outputs and two different data sets measuring parties' preferences on migration. The results show that governing parties enact systematically more liberal policies on immigration and integration than their electoral manifestos would suggest. The purported democratic deficit in migration policy is substantially the result of a limited fulfillment of the electoral mandate by governing parties. Nevertheless, governing parties act upon their electoral mandate dependent on the governing constraints and the electoral incentives. Overall, governments tend to deliver on their integration policy positions but not on their immigration policy positions. The manifesto–policy link is stronger in the domestic policy dimension where governments face fewer external constraints.