Suchergebnisse

The effect of each element of the Voting Rights Act's totality-of-the-circumstances test on black city council membership is analyzed in 946 cities with 1980 populations exceeding 25,000. Several structural elements, namely, staggered terms, majority vote requirements, large councils, and longer terms for council members, do not significantly reduce rates of black membership. There is some evidence, however, that the proportion black on a council is higher when representation is from single-member districts, at least in the South. Even in the South, the advantages of single-member elections vis-à-vis at-large elections do not apply to all types of citywide voting. Black office holding in at-large southern cities with residency requirements or that combines staggered terms with pure at-large elections is very similar to that in single-member district cities.

We examine minority representation resulting from modified at-large elections (cumulative & limited voting) used in US localities in the 1990s. Hypotheses about the relative proportionality of descriptive representation under various local election systems are presented & tested. We find that CV/LV elections produced descriptive representation of African-Americans at levels similar to those in larger single-member district places, & at levels that exceed those from some small, southern SMD places. Results for Latino representation are more qualified. Our results offer encouragement for those interested in facilitating minority representation without using the acrimonious process of drawing districts on the basis of races. 4 Tables, 2 Figures, 34 References. Adapted from the source document.

Parties vary substantially in the proportion of women they send to Parliament. We examine how party characteristics affect women's representation in the parliamentary parties of twelve advanced industrial nations at three time points-- 1975, 1985, and 1989. Four party-level factors have some explanatory power: 1) organizational structure, 2) ideology, 3) women party activists, and 4) gender related candidate rules. Leftist and New Left ideologies, high levels of women activists within the party and gender related candidate rules all enable parties to increase the descriptive representation of women. We propose a temporal sequence in which the four factors and electoral rules work both directly and indirectly to affect women's representation. Women party activists and gender related rules are the more direct mechanisms which affect women's legislative representation. Further, New Left values and high levels of women activists within the party both enhance the likelihood that gender-related candidate rules will be implemented.

This study considers the effects of electoral system structure on women's representation in national legislatures. Research done in Western Europe finds women's representation is positively affected by party magnitude; tests for similar effects in Costa Rica are done and confirm this hypothesis. The effects of electoral thresholds are also considered. The Costa Rican electoral threshold increases disproportionality and enhances the likelihood of producing parliamentary majorities, as expected. Moving beyond these traditional findings, the threshold also has a positive effect on the descriptive representativeness of the legislature by increasing party magnitudes and thereby increasing the representation of women. The study ends by suggesting the electoral studies field needs to expand its evaluation criteria to not only consider representativeness in terms of reflecting party support, but also consider representativeness in terms of accurately mirroring society at large, that is, descriptive representation.

THE GOAL OF THIS ARTICLE IS TO GAIN BETTER INSIGHT INTO THE IDENTITY OF FEMALE MAYORS IN QUEBEC IN SEPTEMBER 1993. BEYOND A PURELY DESCRIPTIVE ANALYSIS, IT SUGGESTS ANOTHER DIMENSION TO THE ROLE OF WOMEN IN POLITICS IN REPRESENTING THE FEMALE POPULATION. THREE QUESTIONS ARE DISCUSSED. FIRST, FROM A DEMOGRAPHIC POINT OF VIEW, WHO ARE THE FEMALE MAYORS OF QUEBEC? SECOND, WHAT DO THEY THINK ABOUT THE IDEA OF REPRESENTING WOMEN? FINALLY, WHAT IS THE ROLE OF GENDER CONSCIOUSNESS IN THE POLITICAL REPRESENTATION OF WOMEN? SURVEY AND INTERVIEW DATA SHOW THAT, ACCORDING TO THEIR BACKGROUND CHARACTERISTICS, QUEBEC FEMALE MAYORS ARE NOT REPRESENTATIVE OF THEIR COUNTERPARTS IN THE POPULATION, AND THAT A MAJORITY OF THEM REFUSE THE MANDATE TO REPRESENT THE FEMALE POPULATION. NEVERTHELESS, EVERYTHING SUGGESTS THAT THEY DO HAVE A GENDER CONSCIOUSNESS. FUTURE RESEARCH SHOULD IDENTIFY THE CAUSES OF THE DISCREPANCY BETWEEN THE MENTAL PREDISPOSITION OF FEMALE POLITICIANS TO REPRESENT WOMEN AND THEIR REFUSAL TO DO SO IN PRACTICE.

In clinical work with families suffering from eating disorders, SYMLOG allowed us to document family interactional and perceptual processes and to make them accessible for therapeutic purposes and evaluations. For a group of 26 families with a daughter afflicted with anorexia, our SYMLOG findings suggest that a decision vacuum exists. These findings confirm the descriptive resultsfirom clinicalpractice. They further confirm that the parents' incorrect mutual perceptions have an effect on the daughter's perceptions.

Work to highlight the positive aspect of learning the various by the exotic architecture of the end of the 19th century. In Paris: the understanding of the exotic can only be achieved by "levelling up" the necessary relationship elsewhere, its forms, materials, etc. Or its fantasmatic representation. ; Travail visant à souligner l'aspect positif de l'apprentissage du divers par l'architecture exotique de la fin du XIXe siècle. A Paris : sachant que la compréhension de l'exotique ne peut passer que par la "mise à plat" de la nécessaire relation à l'ailleurs, ses formes, ses matériaux . Ou sa représentation fantasmatique.

pt. I.Black and Latino Descriptive Representation.The History of Black and Latino Representation.The Election of Black and Latino Representatives --pt. II.Black and Latino Substantive Representation.African-American and Latino Representation.Race and Representation.Racial Redistricting and Public Policy.The Outlook for the Future.

"Die Arzt-Patient-Beziehung ist ein zentraler Gegenstand der Medizinischen Soziologie. Im Umgang mit diesem Gegenstand hat sich die Medizinische Soziologie vornehmlich auf das Medium der Sprache in ihren Formen der Rede und Schrift bezogen. Vernachlässigt wurde der Bereich der Bilder und der visuellen Aufzeichnungstechniken. Genau dieser Bereich aber ist es, der zunehmend den Innovationschub innerhalb der klinischen Diagnostik den klinischen Ablauf und den Umgang mit Patienten bestimmt. Die Dominanz von Bildern in der medizinischen Diagnostik hat eine, mit der Aufklärung seit 1800 verbundene Tradition. Mit der Bildtechnik der Photographie und der Entdeckung der Röntgenstrahlen um die Jahrhundertwende wurden die technischen und erkenntnistheoretischen Grundlagen für die Dominanz der Bilder im medizinischen Wissen ausgebaut. Dieser Prozeß ist folgenreich für die Konzeption und die medizinische Wahrnehmung des Körpers. Denn damit tut sich eine Distanz zwischen dem Körper und dem Bild auf. Diese Distanz nimmt heute unter den Bedingungen neuer bildgebender Verfahren zu. Wie die Telemedizin deutlich macht, zeichnet sich ab, daß die Patienten in ihrer körperlichen Präsenz durch bildliche Repräsentanz ersetzt werden. Diese Tendenzen sind dahingehend interpretierbar, daß mit der Verfeinerung von Bildtechniken und der Erschließung von Sichtbarkeiten im Detail zugleich die tradierten Ansichten vom Menschen und seiner sozialen Umwelt aus der Humanmedizin verschwinden. Der naturwissenschaftlich-technische Fortschritt in der medizinischen Diagnostik besteht geradezu darin, daß die Bilder von jedem Zeichen der sozialen Umwelt 'gereinigt' sind. Mein Beitrag soll Ansätze aufzeigen, wie die Soziologie der ärztlichen Profession und der Arzt-Patient-Beziehung um die Soziologie neuer bildgebender Verfahren in der Klinik ergänzt werden kann." (Autorenreferat)

The decision in Yarbrough et al. v. City of Birmingham in 1989 resulted in Birmingham, Alabama, changing its nine-member city council from at-large to district elections to preserve minority (white) representation. Implementation of this court order produced the descriptive representation it was designed to attain but did not improve citizen perceptions of the quality of representation. It produced other changes in the conduct of city politics. Council candidates altered their campaign strategies to make themselves appear more sensitive to district-level concerns. Districts do not yet seem to have stimulated either turnout or greater competition in council elections.

AbstractThe study of union certification elections is well advanced in the academic literature. There is, however, little research on determinants of union certification when more than one union is on the ballot. The work on multiunion elections that does exist is primarily descriptive and conducted at the macro level. This paper presents a micro‐level study of a multiunion election. Three sets of variables derived from expectancy theory, the investments model, and the theory of reasoned action, were posited to influence employee choice in a multiunion election. Data were collected via a mail survey of 270 employees who recently participated in a multiunion election. The data were analyzed using multiple analysis of variance and discriminant analysis. The results provide strong evidence that the employee vote in a multiunion election is correlated with (a) an evaluation of the efficacy of a raiding union, (b) employee behavioural investments, and (c) the attitudes of others in the immediate work group. Implications for labour practitioners centre on increasing employee involvement, identifying the union with important others, and delivering desired results. Future researchers may wish to extend this framework to other settings.RésuméL'analyse des élections pour Vaccréditation syndicale est un sujet souvent traité dans les revues savantes. Cependant, on n'a que peu etudié les facteurs qui déterminent Vaccréditation en cas de syndicats multiples dans un scrutin. II existe surtout jusqu'à ce jour des descriptions ou des macroanalyses. Cet article présente une microanalyse d'une élection multisyndicale, prenant pour principe que trois ensembles de variables influencent le choix des employés: des variables inspirées par la Théorie des attentes (Expectancy Theory), par le Modèle des investisse‐ments et par la Théorie de Vaction raisonnée (Reasoned Action Theory). Un sondage par correspondence de 270 employés, qui avaient récemment participé à une élection à syndicats multiples, a foumi les données qui ont servi de base pour une analyse de variance et de discrimination. Les resultats indiquent clairement une corrélation entre le vote de l'employé et (1) l'évaluation de l'éfficacité d'un syndicat agresseur (raiding union), (2) les investissements com‐portementaux de l'employé, et (3) les attitudes des col‐lègues dans le groupe de travail. Pour qu'un syndicat puisse préserver son accréditation, ces résultats lui sug‐gèrent d'augmenter la participation des employés qu'il représente, d'encourager la loyauté des employés ay ant une influence sur leurs collègues, et d'améliorer la performance des services de base pour employés. De futures recherches pourront éStendre ce cadre á d'autres contextes.