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The first part of the article is a review of contemporary comparative politics research in Qennany. The conclusion of the first part is that serious attempts to-overcome the structural weaknesses of this political science sub discipline are made only from the 1990's on. The biggest credit for it goes to the research on political & social transformation that has also contributed substantially to the development of regional comparative studies. In the second part, the author shows both the structural weaknesses & the new positive developments by reviewing five recently published comparative studies. The most important among the weaknesses is the "lockedness" into the traditional framework of studying systems of government, as well as a lack of methodological consciousness, theoretical eclecticism, strong descriptive normativism & a bias in the selection of study cases. References. Adapted from the source document.

Cilj rada je utvrditi kretanje rashoda lokalnih jedinica u razdoblju 2002.-2012. Rashodi su kategorizirani po ekonomskoj klasifikaciji: rashodi za zaposlene, materijalni rashodi, kamate, subvencije, pomoći, naknade građanima i ostali rashodi. Provođenje deskriptivne analize podataka pokazalo je da su se ukupni rashodi gotovo udvostručili sa prosječnom godišnjom stopom od 6%. Najznačajnija kategorija ukupnih rashoda JLP(R)S su materijalni rashodi s većom stopom rasta u odnosu na istu kategoriju rashoda konsolidirane središnje države. Analizom ukupnih rashoda utvrđuje se da je potrošnja gradova, u koje spada Grad Zagreb, čak četiri puta veća od potrošnje županija i općina. Linearnim regresijskim modelom pokazana je statistički značajna pozitivna korelacija između ukupnih rashoda i prihoda JLP(R)S. Također, statistički značajna korelacija je prisutna između ukupnih rashoda i broja stanovnika 2011. po županijama, ali i između rashoda Kontinentalne i Jadranske Hrvatske u razdoblju 2002.-2012. Jednostavni linearni regresijski model pokazuje pozitivnu linearnu vezu između ukupnih rashoda i BDP-a po stanovniku, te između ukupnih rashoda i indeksa razvijenosti po županijama 2010. godine. Regresijska analiza i analiza podataka daju dobar prikaz kretanja i svojstva veze ukupnih rashoda s različitim varijablama u razdoblju 2002.-2012. što je i bio cilj ovoga rada. ; The purpose of this study is to determine the movement of expenses of local government units in the period from 2002 to 2012. The expenses are categorized according to the economic classification: staff expenses, material expenses, interests, subventions, aids, citizen benefits, etc. Conducting a descriptive analysis of data shows that the total expenses nearly doubled with an average yearly rate of 6%. The most significant category of total expenses of local and territorial (regional) self-government are material expenses with a higher growth rate compared to the same category of expenses of consolidated central government. By analyzing total expenses it was ...

Predmet istraživanja u ovom radu su prirodno i mehaničko kretanje stanovništva kao demografsko-migracijske odrednice osnovnoga školstva u Vukovaru. Svrha je istraživanja primjenom deskriptivne i komparativne analize prikazati suvremene trendove, trenutno stanje i perspektive u bioreprodukciji i migracijama, te ih dovesti u vezu s brojčanim stanjem djece u vukovarskim osnovnim školama. Analiza provedena na temelju službenih podataka popisne, vitalne i migracijske statistike, pokazala je da su trendovi u bioreprodukciji i migracijama promatrane gravitacijske zone vukovarskih osnovnih škola (Grad Vukovar i Općina Bogdanovci) u proteklom dvadesetogodišnjem razdoblju (1997.-2018.), vrlo nepovoljni, te da procesi ukupne depopulacije, prirodnoga smanjenja i mehaničkoga gubitka, zbog negativnoga salda migracije, čine sve lošijim demografski okvir učeničkoga potencijala vukovarskih osnovnih škola, uz još nepovoljnije izglede u budućnosti. Potrebna stabilizacija i poboljšanje demografskih prilika mogući su samo uz dugoročnu i cjelovitu provedbu poticajnih pronatalitetnih, imigracijskih i redistributivnih mjera populacijske, obiteljske i gospodarske politike, riječju, sveobuhvatne demografske revitalizacije Hrvatske i svakoga njezinoga dijela. ; This study on the natural and mechanical population movements and demographic-migration determinants of elementary education in Vukovar identifies contemporary trends, current situation and perspectives in bioreproduction and migration, using descriptive and comparative analysis, in relation to the numerical situation of the children in the Vukovar elementary schools. This analysis, based on official census data, together with vital and migration statistics, has demonstrated that the trends in the bioreproduction and migration in the gravitational zone of the Vukovar primary schools, City of Vukovar and Municipality of Bogdanovci, during the past twenty years, 1997‒2018, are highly unfavorable, and that the processes of overall depopulation, natural decline and mechanical loss, owing to the negative migration balance, have created an increasingly poor demographic framework for the student potential of Vukovar primary schools, with an even more unfavorable outlook in the future. The needed stabilization and improvement of the demographic situation are only possible with the long-term and comprehensive implementation of pro-natal, immigration and redistribution incentives in population, family and economic policies, which would entail the comprehensive demographic revitalization of Croatia and each of its parts.

Temeljno pitanje na koje ovaj rad pokušava dati odgovor jest zašto je demokratska transformacija bila uspješna u Tunisu, a u Egiptu i Alžiru nije. Istraživanju je primarno pristupljeno sa stajališta deskriptivno-empirijskih teorija aktera, iako su korištene i kulturalističke teorije kako bi se bolje razumjele političke ideje i stavovi islamističkih aktera. Strategija istraživanja je fokusirana komparativna studija triju slučajeva – Tunisa, Egipta i Alžira – odnosno intraregionalna komparativna studija, budući da je riječ o zemljama koje pripadaju podregiji Sjeverne Afrike kao podsustavu regije Bliskog istoka. Komparativna studija ima različite ishode na ovisnoj varijabli kako bi se izbjegla neprirodna selekcijska pristranost te postigao kvazieksperimentalan efekt. Hipoteza koja je ponuđena glasi da je Tunis imao mekši civilni autoritarni režim koji je dopuštao interakciju i suradnju oporbenih i režimskih elita, a što je rezultiralo političkim dogovorom te, posljedično, uspješnom demokratskom tranzicijom. U slučaju Egipta i Alžira interakcija oporbenih i režimskih elita imala je prvenstveno oblik sukoba te je izostao politički dogovor, a time i demokratska tranzicija. Neovisne varijable koje su izolirane u teorijskoj raspravi jesu: karakter prethodnog autoritarnog režima, uloga vojske, tip opozicije i vlasti, obrasci interakcije opozicije i vlasti, obrasci tranzicije u demokraciju. Uz te varijable, analiza obuhvaća i kolonijalno razdoblje koje je bitno zato što pokazuje jesu li te zemlje imale neko prethodno demokratsko iskustvo, je li ono imalo neki utjecaj na kasniju demokratizaciju, kakve su političke elite nastale u tom razdoblju i, konzekventno, kakav su oblik autoritarnog sustava kasnije izgradile. Iz analize proizlazi zaključak da je glavna hipoteza potvrđena. Tunis je bio "mekši" autoritarni režim, što je omogućilo suradnju starih i novih elita koja je rezultirala političkim dogovorom, a time i uspješnom demokratskom tranzicijom. U Egiptu i Alžiru je sukob starih i novih elita onemogućio uspješnu demokratizaciju. ; The main question this thesis tries to provide an answer to is why democratic transformation was successful in Tunisia, but not in Egypt and Algeria. The research approach is primarily rooted in descriptive-empirical actor theories, although culturalist theories were used as well, as to better understand the political ideas and stances of Islamist actors. The research strategy is a focused comparative three-case-study – comprising Tunisia, Egypt, and Algeria – i.e. an intra-regional comparative study since these countries belong to the subregion of North Africa, which is a subsystem of the Middle Eastern region. The comparative study has different outcomes on the dependent variable, in order to avoid unnatural selection bias and achieve a quasi-experimental effect. The proposed hypothesis claims that Tunisia had a softer civilian authoritarian regime which permitted interaction and cooperation of opposition and regime elites, which resulted in a political agreement and, subsequently, a successful democratic transition. In the cases of Egypt and Algeria, the interaction of opposition and regime elites primarily took the form of conflict, with a lack of a political agreement, and thus democratic transition. The independent variables which were isolated in the theoretical discussion were the following: the character of the previous authoritarian regime, the role of the army, opposition and government type, patterns of opposition-government interaction, patterns of transition to democracy. In addition, the analysis encompasses the colonial period as well, which is important because it demonstrates whether these countries had the previous democratic experience, whether it had some influence on later democratization, what kinds of political elites emerged in that period and, consequently, what form of an authoritarian regime they later established. The analysis provides the conclusion that the main hypothesis was confirmed. Tunisia was a "softer" authoritarian regime, which had enabled the cooperation of old and new elites, which resulted in a political agreement, and thus a successful democratic transition. In Egypt and Algeria, the conflict of old and new elites prevented successful democratization.

U okviru borbe protiv negativnih posljedica globalne financijske krize iz 2008. godine Europska središnja banka (ECB) je pored tradicionalnih instrumenta monetarne politike u svrhu oporavka gospodarstva relativno rano počela provoditi i nestandardne mjere. Istodobno nakon krize dolazi do intenzivnog proučavanja makroprudencijalne politike i implementiranje njenih instrumenata. S druge strane, HNB je koristio makroprudencijalne instrumente i prije krize, međutim prvu nestandardnu mjeru monetarne politike implementirao je u ožujku 2020. Provedenim istraživanjem potvrdilo se kako je provedba monetarne politike i implementacija nestandardnih mjera pozitivno utjecala na oporavak gospodarstva. Analiza s primjenom deskriptivne statistike na razini EU pokazala je kako postoji značajna negativna korelacija između monetarnih agregata i stope nezaposlenosti. Provedena analiza u Hrvatskoj također pokazuje statistički značajnu negativnu korelaciju između ponude novca i stope nezaposlenosti. Međutim, analizirajući na razini EU i RH M2 monetarni agregat umanjen za novčanu masu M1 i stopu nezaposlenosti, vidljiva je jaka pozitivna korelacija, što znači da povećavanje štednje dovodi do porasta stope nezaposlenosti. Odnosi između inflacije i duga u BDP-u s ostalim varijablama su statistički nesignifikantni, kako na razini EU tako i u RH. ; As part of the fight against the negative consequences of the 2008 global financial crisis, the European Central Bank (ECB), in addition to traditional monetary policy instruments for the purpose of economic recovery, began to implement non-standard measures relatively early. At the same time, after the crisis, there is an intensive study of macroprudential policy and the implementation of its instruments. On the other hand, the Croatian National Bank (CNB) used macroprudential instruments even before the crisis, but the first non-standard monetary policy measure was implemented in March 2020. Proven research confirmed that the implementation of monetary policy and the implementation of non-standard measures had a positive impact on economic recovery. An analysis using descriptive statistics at EU level showed that there is a significant negative correlation between monetary aggregates and the unemployment rate. The conducted analysis in Croatia also shows a statistically significant negative correlation between the money supply and the unemployment rate. However, analyzing at the EU and Croatian level M2 the monetary aggregate reduced by the money supply M1 and the unemployment rate, a strong positive correlation is visible, which means that the increase in savings leads to an increase in the unemployment rate. The relations between inflation and debt in GDP with other variables are statistically insignificant both at the EU level and in the Republic of Croatia.

Uvod: U Hrvatskoj, smrtnost od raka debelog crijeva (RDC) viša je u usporedbi s prosjekom država članica Europske unije (EU). U Hrvatskoj se od 2007. godine provodi Nacionalni program ranog otkrivanja raka debelog crijeva (NPRDC), s ciljem smanjenja smrtnosti od RDC, otkrivanja bolesti u ranijem stadiju, poboljšanja mogućnosti liječenja i kvalitete života oboljelih. Prema Europskim smjernicama za osiguranje kvalitete probira i dijagnostike, prihvatljiv odaziv u NPRDC je najmanje 45%, koji u Hrvatskoj do sada nije postignut. Cilj: Cilj ovoga rada je procijeniti učinak javno-zdravstvene intervencije kućnog posjeta studenata medicine osobama uključenim u NPRDC na odaziv na test na okultno krvarenje (Hemocult test). Metode: Uzorak za intervenciju činili su sve žene i muškarci uključeni u NPRDC iz dva naselja (Vetovo i Kaptol) u Požeško-slavonskoj županiji. U Vetovu je provedena intervencija (N=338), a osobe iz Kaptola uzete su kao kontrolna skupina (N=417). Intervenciju kućnim posjetima su provodili studenti završne godine studija medicine uz koordinaciju Zavoda za javno zdravstvo Požeško-slavonske županije. Osobama koje su pristale sudjelovati u intervenciji objašnjen je razlog dolaska, provedeno je informiranje o važnosti sudjelovanja u NP kroz anketom vođeni razgovor te im je ponuđen Hemocult test uz detaljne upute o primjeni. Prikupljeni podatci obrađeni su u programu Microsoft Office Excel metodama deskriptivne statistike. Rezultati: Prije provedbe intervencije u Vetovu je odaziv u sklopu NPRDC (osobe koje su dale suglasnost za Hemocult test/osobe pozvane u NPRDC) bio 14,4%, a u Kaptolu 18,6%; χ2 (1)=1,177, p>0,05. Nakon provedbe intervencije, odaziv u Vetovu bio je 45,7%, a u Kaptolu 21%; χ2 (1)=29,986, p0,05. Nakon provedbe intervencije, odaziv u Vetovu bio je 24,7%, a u Kaptolu 15,1% (bez intervencije); χ2 (1)=6,317, p=0,012. Zaključak: U naselju gdje je provedena intervencija u obliku kućnih posjeta, postignut je značajno veći obuhvat neodazvanih osoba na Hemocult test, u usporedbi sa susjednim naseljem sličnih karakteristika, gdje su provedene uobičajeni postupci pozivanja osoba predviđeni protokolom u sklopu NPRDC. Rezultati rada ukazuju na važnost individualnog pristupa u javno-zdravstvenoj praksi u unapređenju provedbe NPRDC. ; Introduction: Colorectal cancer (CC) mortality in Croatia is higher than average of European Union (EU) member states. From 2007, National Colorectal Cancer Screening Program (NPCC) has been conducted in Croatia, with aim of reducing CC mortality, detecting illness in early stage, better treatment options and life quality improvement. According to European Guidelines for Quality Assurance of Screening and Diagnosis of CC, acceptable response rate to screening is at least 45%, which hasn't been reached in Croatia so far. Aim: The aim of this study was to evaluate impact of public health intervention in form of home visits made by medical students, on Hemoccult test to persons included in NPCC. Methods: The sample for intervention was persons included in NPCC from two settlements, Vetovo and Kaptol in Požega-Slavonia County. Intervention was performed in Vetovo (N=338), while participants from Kaptol served as control group (N=417). Home visits were conducted by final year of study medical students in coordination with Public Health Institute of Požega-Slavonia County. Students explained reason for visit, importance of participation in NP to persons who agreed to participate in intervention, using standardized survey interview, and offered Hemocult test with detailed explanation of how to use it. The data were processed in Microsoft Office Excel using descriptive statistic methods. Results: Before intervention, response rate within NPCC (persons who signed consent for Hemocult test/persons invited to NPCC) in Vetovo was 14.4% and 18.6% in Kaptol; χ2 (1)=1.177, p>0.05. After intervention, response rate in Vetovo was 45.7% and in Kaptol 21.0%; χ2 (1)=29.986, p0.05. After intervention, response rate to Hemocult test in Vetovo was 24.7%, and 15.1% in Kaptol (without intervention); χ2 (1)=6.317, p=0.012. Conclusion: In settlement where home visits intervention was performed, a significantly higher response rates on Hemocult test was achieved, compared with neighbouring settlement of similar characteristics, where usual NPCC protocol was followed. Results of the study implied importance of individual approach in public health practice in improvement of NPCC performance.

Ovaj rad bavi se međuodnosom političkih preferencija i političkih orijentacija studenata i njihovih roditelja. Rad je teorijski organiziran u okvirima sociologije znanja s posebnim osvrtom na određene dimenzije političke socijalizacije kao dinamičnog procesa – konstantne dijalektike primarnih i sekundarnih socijalizacijskih aktera. U radu se istraživala važnost određenih aktera u životima studenata u formiranju njihovih političkih identiteta. Provedeno je istraživanje nad populacijom studenata Sveučilišta u Zagrebu. Uzorak je obuhvaćao 500 studenata s fokusom na ispunjenje kvota po spolu i području studijskog programa. Samo istraživanje polazilo je od tri osnovna istraživačka pitanja; (1) U kojoj mjeri i na koji su način povezane političke preferencije studenata i roditelja? (2) U kojoj mjeri su povezani političko ideološki stavovi (političke orijentacije) roditelja i studenata (u smislu lijevo/centar/desno)? (3) U kojoj mjeri su povezani politički stavovi (preferencije i orijentacija) studenata sa stavovima očeva te stavovima majka? Istraživanje je pokazalo kako su, u ponuđenim akterima, najveće značenje za formiranje političkog identiteta za studente i dalje imali njihovi roditelji. Potvrđena je i statistički značajna povezanost političke orijentacije studenata i one njihovih roditelja. U deskriptivnom smislu, veća usklađenost i političkih orijentacija i političkih preferencija vidljiva je na desnom političkom spektru nego li je to slučaj s lijevim političkim spektrom (iako i tamo postoji povezanost). ; This paper deals with the interrelation of political preferences and political orientations of students and their parents. The paper is theoretically organized within the sociology of knowledge with special reference to certain dimensions of political socialization as a dynamic process - the constant dialectic of primary and secondary socialization actors. The paper investigates the importance of certain stakeholders in the lives of students in the formation of their political identities. A survey was conducted on the student population of the University of Zagreb. The sample included 500 students with a focus on meeting quotas by gender and program of study. The research itself was based on three basic research questions; (1) To what extent and in what way are the political preferences of students and parents related? (2) To what extent are the political ideological attitudes (political orientations) of parents and students related (in terms of left-wing / center / right-wing)? (3) To what extent are the political attitudes (preferences and orientation) of students related to the attitudes of their fathers and mothers? The research showed that, among the offered stakeholders, the most influential in the formation of political identity for students were their parents. A statistically significant connection between the political orientation of students and that of their parents was also confirmed. In the descriptive analysis, greater alignment of both political orientations and political preferences is visible on the right political spectrum than is the case with the left political spectrum (although there is a connection there as well).

Vanjska trgovima ima veliki značaj u gospodarstvu svake zemlje kroz multiplikativni efekt koji se ogleda ne samo kroz ekonomske komponente već i kroz sociokulturni razvoj. Cilj rada bio je identificirati Tursku u europskom kontekstu međunarodnih odnosa, odnosno ukazati na komparativnu i konkurentsku ulogu Turske u vanjskotrgovinskom poslovanju. Čimbenici odnosa Turske u europskom kontekstu su: demografski aspekti, sociološke i kulturološke razlike, pristupni kriteriji, ekonomski aspekti i politički izazovi. U posljednja dva desetljeća carinska unija Europske unije (EU) i Turske bila je okosnica razvoja u okviru bilateralne trgovine. U tom razdoblju Turska je postala petim glavnim trgovinskim partnerom s EU na globalnoj razini s vrijednošću bilateralne trgovine od 140 milijardi eura (2017). Slično tome, EU je najvažniji trgovinski partner Turske, koja predstavlja 41% turske globalne trgovine. Istraživanje u radu temeljeno je na analizi sekundarnih izvora podataka, a metode sinteze i deskripcije primijenjene su u interpretaciji dobivenih rezultata i formiranja zaključaka. Rezultati istraživanja pokazuju kako je integracija Turske u Europsku uniju određena kako "tvrdim" ekonomskim čimbenicima korisnosti, tako i "mekanim" čimbenicima kao što su osjećaj identiteta, religije ili stavovima prema imigrantima. Iako Turska pokazuje pozitivne ekonomske trendove u europskom kontekstu, "mekani" čimbenici ipak predstavljaju osnovnu barijeru integracije. ; Foreign trade has great significance in the economy of each country through a multiplier effect reflected not only through economic components but also through socio-cultural development. The aim of the paper was to identify Turkey in the European context of international relations, that is, to highlight Turkey's comparative and competitive role in foreign trade. Factors of the relationship between the Republic of Turkey and the European Union are: demographic aspects, sociological and cultural differences, access to critique, economic aspects and political challanges. In the last two decades, the EU and Turkey customs union was the cornerstone of bilateral trade. At that time, Turkey became the world's fifth largest trade with the EU on a global scale worth EUR 140 billion in 2017. Similarly, the EU is Turkey's most important trading partner, representing 41% of Turkey's global trade. The research in this paper is based on the analysis of secondary data sources, and synthesis and descriptive methods have been applied in the interpretation of the obtained results and the formation of conclusions. The results of the study show that Turkey's integration into the European Union is determined by both "hard" economic utility factors and "soft" factors such as a sense of identity, religion or attitudes towards immigrants. Although Turkey shows positive economic trends in the European context, "soft" factors still represent the primary barrier to integration. The great migration crizis that began in 2015, and continues today, has again put Turkey at the center of geopolitical interest, but also emphasized the interdependence of Turkey and the EU and the conceptualization of a new model of mutual relations.

Ova doktorska disertacija bavi se glasovanjem, najočitijim oblikom političke participacije građana u modernom demokratskom poretku. Većina istraživanja biračkog ponašanja usmjerena je na proučavanje uzroka glasovanja te na procese oblikovanja stranačkih preferencija (Šiber, 1998b). Međutim, glasovanju možemo pristupiti kao političkoj odluci, a u tom slučaju se javlja pitanje kako tu odluku evaluirati. Potencijalni kriterij za evaluaciju možemo naći u konceptu točnog glasovanja (Lau i Redlawsk, 1997). Ukoliko građanin glasuje za onu stranku kojoj bi dao glas i kada bi bio suočen sa svim relevantnim političkim informacijama, možemo reći da je on točno glasovao. Koristeći kriterij točnog glasovanja možemo evaluirati građansko odlučivanje, ali i kvalitetu demokracije. Ovaj rad ima dva cilja. Kao prvo, zbog niza konceptualnih i operacionalnih nedostataka, on nudi rekonstrukciju koncepta točnog glasovanja. Kroz detaljno povezivanje spoznaja o biračkom ponašanju i pretpostavki modela predstavničke demokracije, uvodi se nova definicija točnog glasovanja, kao onog koji je dan stranci koja je u najvećoj mjeri bliska glasačevim preferencijama. Uz to, problematizira se korisnost ovog koncepta te njegov utjecaj na empirijska istraživanja građanskih kompetencija i na evaluaciju demokratskog poretka. Drugi cilj ovog rada je empirijski – provjeriti koje individualne i situacijske karakteristike doprinose točnom glasovanju. Očekivalo se kako će točnije glasovati sudionici s boljom političkom ekspertizom (visoka politička sofisticiranost i informiranost, visoka motivacija za politiku, više obrazovanje i niža dob), ali i oni koji donose odluke u jednostavnijem okruženju (niže kognitivno opterećenje i lakša politička pitanja). U tu svrhu provedeno je eksperimentalno istraživanje na 210 sudionika koji su sudjelovali u izmišljenoj političkoj kampanji. Tijekom kampanje su prikupljali podatke o strankama i na kraju su glasovali za jednu od njih. Rezultati su pokazali kako točnije glasuju sudionici s višom razinom političke informiranosti, zatim sudionici koji su koristili kompleksnije strategije odlučivanja i sudionici koji su suočeni s nižom razinom kognitivnog opterećenja. Neočekivano, dobiven je i efekt spola – žene točnije glasuju od muškaraca. U radu su ponuđena objašnjenja za nepotvrđene hipoteze i neočekivane rezultate, kao i potencijalna primjena dobivenih rezultata u javnom životu. ; Elections are the main characteristic of modern democracies; as of September 2016., 82 national elections took place this year and almost 650 million people voted. Adult citizens experience elections and participate in voting roughly once every four years. Ever since the empirical research in political science focused on voting behaviour the main focus of inquiry was the understanding of antecedents of vote choice as well as the long-term shaping of political preferences (Šiber, 1998). The vote itself can be conceptualized in many ways, such as a statement of group membership (e.g. Berelson, Lazarsfeld & McPhee, 1954), identification with the party (Campbell et al., 1964), as a choice between parties etc. If we approach the vote from a decision-making perspective, a question comes to mind – can we say what is the quality of that choice? In other words, can we evaluate the process and the outcome of the voting decision? This are rather hard questions which is not adequately addressed by researchers, both theoretically and empirically. In order to answer them, Lau and Redlawsk (1997) put forward the concept of correct voting – a vote that is the same as the one that would be given if a voter had all the relevant information. This doctoral thesis is concerned with that concept. It had two broad goals. First, a critique of the concept was put forward, as well as a conceptual reconstruction of correct voting. The new approach to the concept is more clear and better connected to both citizens' competences and democratic theory. The second goal was to study empirically the antecedents of correct voting. For this goal a laboratory experiment was conducted in which participants (N=210) participated in a mock electoral campaign at the end of which they had to vote. Participants differed in various socio-demographic and political characteristics and within the experiment cognitive load and type of political questions in the campaign were manipulated. Results showed that those participants that had better political knowledge, were exposed to lower cognitive load and used complex strategies of decision. Also, an unexpected result was found – women voted more correctly than men. In order to think about the criteria for evaluating the process of voting, one must first understand the relationship between voters and election within democracy. This requires that one chooses a model of democracy. There is an array of these models, and each one focuses on different aspects of the political regime. For the concept of correct voting the most adequate model is that of representative democracy. In this model, democracy is though about as a political system in which the citizens are sovereign, and a smaller group of representatives execute citizens' will. Representatives are chosen via regular competitive elections, and citizens should choose hose representatives that represent their interest in the best way. Other than choosing a model of democracy, we must choose a theoretical approach for political behaviour. We can identify five approaches (those based on personality, sociological model, socio-psychological model, economic-rational model and cognitive model), and within this research a cognitive approach is taken for studying political behaviour and decision-making. This model focuses on cognitive processes, such as evaluation of political candidates, mental strategies, biases, memory etc. The main idea of the cognitive approach is that all thinking is constrained by both biological aspects of the brain as well as the situational pressures (such as the amount of information). As a consequence, citizens will be prone to using mental shortcuts to simplify the political environment. Lau and Redlawsk's (1997) concept of correct voting could be used as a norm of political decision-making. It focuses on cognitive processes and offers an ideal outcome of political thinking which at the same time has implications for the functioning of representative democracy. If citizens choose their representatives correctly than democracy should function better than if that is not the case. However, there are several issues with this concept - there are two distinct conceptualizations and operationalisations of correct voting; authors focus more on the level of information than on the cognitive processes; their norm has within itself several descriptive aspects etc. This thesis puts forward a definition of correct voting – a correct vote is the one which is given to a representative whose political preferences are in the highest concordance with the voter's. Keeping the cognitive approach in mind, several individual and situational characteristics are identified as having a probable impact on the probability for voting correctly. It is expected that citizens who are more politically sophisticated, informed and motivated, as well as those who are better educated and younger should vote more correctly. Considering situational characteristics, higher cognitive load should lower the probability of voting correctly. Also the content, or type of political information, should have an impact on that probability. Political issues can be divided into easy/symbolic/moral and hard/instrumental/public policy. As the percentage of easy issues within a campaign increases so should the probability of casting a correct vote. In order to test these hypotheses an experiment was conducted in which participants participated in a mock election. They collected information about four parties and in the end voted for one of these. Last part of the thesis offers a discussion about the results, their political implications as well as guidelines for future research.