Jan-Olav Henriksen: Desire, Gift, and Recognition. Christology and Postmodern Philosophy
In: Teologisk tidsskrift, Band 2, Heft 1, S. 97-101
ISSN: 1893-0271
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In: Teologisk tidsskrift, Band 2, Heft 1, S. 97-101
ISSN: 1893-0271
In: Internasjonal politikk, Band 66, Heft 2-3, S. 287-318
ISSN: 0020-577X
Multilateralism has been low on the American foreign policy agenda during the Bush-administration, but many Europeans seem to think that this will change after the upcoming elections. This might be right, but the changes will not reflect European desires. This article starts out by debunking some prevalent European myths about US politics. This is followed by a discussion of the central aspects of American foreign policy thought, & how the presidential candidates reappraise historical themes. In the last part of the article, American neo-sovereignty is contrasted with European post-sovereignty & the conclusion spells out some of the dilemmas facing them both. Figures, References. Adapted from the source document.
In: Internasjonal politikk, Band 69, Heft 3, S. 359-386
ISSN: 0020-577X
In: Internasjonal politikk, Band 66, Heft 1, S. 143-155
ISSN: 0020-577X
This article examines whether the thesis of classical realism that political states are primarily motivated by the desire for military and economic power applies to the British Empire (1815-1914). The article questions to what extent the emergence of the British Empire (1815-1914) was driven by Britain's foreign policy to alter existing power structures in international relations. The article offers an overview of pre-imperial, imperial, and post-imperial strategies within the theory classical realism, and then applies these strategies to analyze the pre-imperial (1600-1815), imperial (1815-1914) period of the British Empire. A discussion of the post-imperial period focuses on Britain's maintenance of status quo and its alliance with the U.S. The article concludes that the theory of classical realism in international relations is useful to the discussion of the emergence, use, and maintenance of political power of the British Empire (1814-1915). This article is one in a series of articles on the topic of empires. References. E. Sundby
In: Internasjonal politikk, Band 64, Heft 2, S. 227-244
ISSN: 0020-577X
In: Internasjonal politikk, Band 64, Heft 1, S. 95-122
ISSN: 0020-577X
This article analyzes US & Chinese policy & strategy in the Middle East, with focus on energy resources, market, investment, & policy shaping. United States engagement in Iraq & other initiatives to control political conditions in the Middle East are here considered to be intimately connected with the US desire to stabilize oil supply. However, as US involvement in Iraq has failed to produce satisfactory results in terms of stability & security, & as the US appears ever more intent upon escalating conflict with Iran, the surety of American intention & outcome in the region remains highly tenuous. As such, China holds an extremely important position with regards not only to its friendly relationship with Iran, but also with its massive stake in the American economy. The race to secure international oil supply is traced here to illustrate the Middle East as the volatile supplier, the United States as a potentially zealous military & financial power, & China as a potential wildcard that can radically influence the developments of all actors in this conflict. References. C. Brunski
In: Internasjonal politikk, Band 72, Heft 1, S. 135-146
ISSN: 0020-577X
In: Internasjonal politikk, Band 1, S. 11-16
ISSN: 0020-577X
In Dec 1953 after Krushchev criticized the Soviet Press, a campaign was begun in the USSR which showed that the newspapers were generally offering nothing more to the reader than official communiques & were not sources of news. The reasons for this change in attitude toward the press were due, on the one hand, to the fact that the diminishing interest in the press was reducing its effectiveness as a weapon of the Party, & on the other, to the desire that the process of liberalization, thought to be inevitable, should be conducted within the framework of the party & not outside of it. Despite important developments in the way of news, the Party never relinquished control over the press, a fact which became obvious when no mention was made of the happenings in Hungary until long after those events had occurred. 2 obstacles oppose themselves to the development of newsworthy characteristics in the Soviet Press: all news must necessarily contribute to the improvement of the reader; the press was created in connection with admin've agencies, pol'al & union groups, & remains extremely specialized. This specialization led inevitably to uniformity since, outside its own field, the newspapers merely quoted the same articles verbatim. The reform took place while stating that neither the structure nor the objectives of the press needed to be modified. The change dealt mainly with those things which might be considered informative or dangerous. A certain number of problems were dealt with in the area of internat & internal problems & objectivity was increased. Furthermore, writers were no longer content to simply supply eulogies on the activities of their enterprises but engaged in criticisms. Finally, the number of letters from readers increased, & the tone of criticism became more apparent. An effort to improve the presentation of news & to introduce a wider variety of such news has been attempted, but so far is a long way from being greatly effective. Tr by J. A. Broussard from IPSA.