The article discusses the relationship between the occurrence of international conflicts and the desire of states to implement their own geopolitical interests. The key factor in the emergence of conflicts is the concept of an inter-civilization clash by Samuel Huntington, where the role of states in the formation of the international system is the trigger for decision-making. The author states that in modern conditions Russia defends its interests, which should not be perceived by other actors of international relations as a threat, but as competition.
The transformation of the political system in Poland after the negotiations of the'Round Table' resulted in an increased interest in modern history, accompanied by a desire to reckon with the past, in particular with the period of communist rule after 1944. Since the 1990s, government authorities and political parties have made a natural move to legitimize the democratic political system in the area of social memory and historical policy. This process has been initiated by constitutional changes, coupled with a truly spontaneous social movement to change national symbols, names of streets and squares, patrons of schools and universities, institutions and manufacturing plants rooted in the overthrown system of communist Poland. The humanities, in particular historiography, have taken steps to reassess attitudes to Polish and global history. The issues of social memory, national identity and historical policy have been reflected in the ideologies and platforms of various political parties. The issue of social (national) memory has become entangled in political disputes and a struggle for 'control of the past', of interpretations of history, the value of patriotism and, by extension, of the electorate, has been waged mainly by the Law and Justice (PiS), Civic Platform (PO), and the Democratic Left Alliance (SLD) parties. This paper analyzes and describes the most influential political movements in Poland in the early 21st century as regards their attitude to collective memory and the concept of historical policy. These attitudes are presented in terms of the conservative, liberal, critical and totalitarian 'models of historical policy'. The study implies that the conservative and liberal models predominate, clearly influenced by the ideology of Christian democracy and national tendencies. The attitude of conservative parties in particular is characterized by disrespect for academic findings and interpretations of history, a frequently ad hoc approach to facts and assessments of the past, which follows from a desire to find the in-depth historical legitimization of the status of a given party in society and to dominate the electorate. ; The transformation of the political system in Poland after the negotiations of the'Round Table' resulted in an increased interest in modern history, accompanied by a desire to reckon with the past, in particular with the period of communist rule after 1944. Since the 1990s, government authorities and political parties have made a natural move to legitimize the democratic political system in the area of social memory and historical policy. This process has been initiated by constitutional changes, coupled with a truly spontaneous social movement to change national symbols, names of streets and squares, patrons of schools and universities, institutions and manufacturing plants rooted in the overthrown system of communist Poland. The humanities, in particular historiography, have taken steps to reassess attitudes to Polish and global history. The issues of social memory, national identity and historical policy have been reflected in the ideologies and platforms of various political parties. The issue of social (national) memory has become entangled in political disputes and a struggle for 'control of the past', of interpretations of history, the value of patriotism and, by extension, of the electorate, has been waged mainly by the Law and Justice (PiS), Civic Platform (PO), and the Democratic Left Alliance (SLD) parties. This paper analyzes and describes the most influential political movements in Poland in the early 21st century as regards their attitude to collective memory and the concept of historical policy. These attitudes are presented in terms of the conservative, liberal, critical and totalitarian 'models of historical policy'. The study implies that the conservative and liberal models predominate, clearly influenced by the ideology of Christian democracy and national tendencies. The attitude of conservative parties in particular is characterized by disrespect for academic findings and interpretations of history, a frequently ad hoc approach to facts and assessments of the past, which follows from a desire to find the in-depth historical legitimization of the status of a given party in society and to dominate the electorate.
The transformation of the political system in Poland after the negotiations of the 'Round Table' resulted in an increased interest in modern history, accompanied by a desire to reckon with the past, in particular with the period of communist rule after 1944. Since the 1990s, government authorities and political parties have made a natural move to legitimize the democratic political system in the area of social memory and historical policy. This process has been initiated by constitutional changes, coupled with a truly spontaneous social movement to change national symbols, names of streets and squares, patrons of schools and universities, institutions and manufacturing plants rooted in the overthrown system of communist Poland. The humanities, in particular historiography, have taken steps to reassess attitudes to Polish and global history. The issues of social memory, national identity and historical policy have been reflected in the ideologies and platforms of various political parties. The issue of social (national) memory has become entangled in political disputes and a struggle for 'control of the past', of interpretations of history, the value of patriotism and, by extension, of the electorate, has been waged mainly by the Law and Justice (PiS), Civic Platform (PO), and the Democratic Left Alliance (SLD) parties. This paper analyzes and describes the most influential political movements in Poland in the early 21st century as regards their attitude to collective memory and the concept of historical policy. These attitudes are presented in terms of the conservative, liberal, critical and totalitarian 'models of historical policy'. The study implies that the conservative and liberal models predominate, clearly influenced by the ideology of Christian democracy and national tendencies. The attitude of conservative parties in particular is characterized by disrespect for academic findings and inter- pretations of history, a frequently ad hoc approach to facts and assessments of the past, which follows from a desire to find the in-depth historical legitimization of the status of a given party in society and to dominate the electorate.
In: Rocznik Instytutu Europy Środkowo-Wschodniej; The Impact of the Russian Federation upon the countries of Central and Eastern Europe, Band 18, Heft 3, S. 93-114
Serbia inherited Yugoslavia's tendency to pursue its foreign policy in terms of "multi-vector" policy and balancing between the West and the East to achieve its own political goals and maintain the attention of other countries. Despite the desire to join the European Union, as officially declared by the state authorities, Serbia also strives to maintain a "strategic partnership" with Russia. This paper presents Russia's interests in the policy towards Serbia in the economic sphere over the years, starting from 1999. It points to the complexity of Serbian-Russian economic relations and their relationship with political issues. Russia, as a permanent member of the UN Security Council, can significantly affect Serbia's internal and foreign policy, making it dependent on guarding Serbia's sovereignty and territorial integrity and through the lack of recognition of Kosovo's independence by pursuing its own interests, manifested by an increasing Russian presence in the energy sector.
The work is an analysis of the religious issue of the upbringing of offspring in marriages concluded by persons belonging to different faiths and religions. In this publication, the reader will find an explanation of basic human rights, such as religious freedom and the right of parents to raise their offspring; these laws are discussed in the context of the religious upbringing of offspring. The main part of the study is the analysis of the themes constituting the life of mixed marriages - the attitude of the Catholic Church to such relationships, the conditions for consenting to marriage with a person of another religion, ways of solving problems related to the religious affiliation of children and description of religious practices of Christian families. The same issues were also analyzed in terms of religiously marriages (Judaism, Islam, Buddhism and Hinduism were taken into account). Due to the increasingly frequent migration, all these issues are very important today. The book is addressed to all those interested in the subject of marriages diversified religiously or religiously, both because of the topicality of the topic and the private interest, i.e. the desire to enter into such a marriage.--From publisher's website
At the turn of the 19th and 20th centuries, Swiss political parties were formed. Basic press organs also crystallized, which became the official nationwide titles of particular trends. Regardless of internal discrepancies, most of these bodies pursued a fairly consistent propaganda policy regarding the future of multicultural lands after the end of the First World War. One of the issues that fit into this theme was the issue of the Polish-Ruthenian-Lithuanian borderland. The entire Helvetic public opinion was of the opinion that it was necessary to create a federal state in Central Europe, which was to be an antidote to emerging nationalist movements. The promotion of such a solution was related to the desire to disseminate in Europe its own, Swiss constitutional solutions, which had proven to function efficiently for half a century. In the conditions of the borderland of Central Europe, such a vision turned out to be unrealistic. Revealing nationalist tendencies and ineffective attempts to find a compromise solution between the representatives of the emigration of nations in question present in Switzerland led to the collapse of the idea of promoting the Slavic federation in the Helvetic press in autun 1918.
Sorbian National Party / Lusatian Alliance as a National Minority and Regional PartyLusatian Sorbs are the smallest Slavic ethnic group. They live in Lusatia, which is part of the German states of Saxony and Brandenburg. The Lusatian Sorbs engage in political activities at the local, regional, state and national levels. In 2005, the Sorbian National Party (in the Lower Sorbian language: Serbska ludowa strona, SLS) was founded, and in 2010 its name was changed to the Lusatian Alliance (Łužyska alianca, ŁA). The Party's leader is Hannes Kell. The organisation is both a national minority and a regional party. The Party's programme includes the introduction of equal status of both German and Lusatian languages within the Sorbian territory, promotion of the Lusatian language in Lusatia, obtaining political autonomy for Lusatian Sorbs, as well as striving for the reduction and eventual closure of open pit lignite mining, which causes damage to the environment and destroys the region's villages. The Lusatian Alliance desires to hold a democratic election and appoint Sorbian authorities that would have a budget at their disposal to financially manage and oversee Sorbian education.
Artykuł analizuje politykę Polski wobec konfliktu w Biafrze w latach 1967–1970. Podstawę badań stanowią niepublikowane materiały zgromadzone w Archiwum Ministerstwa Sprawa Zagranicznych. Zdaniem autora polska dyplomacja zachowując zdystansowane stanowisko wobec secesji Regionu Wschodniego Nigerii i popierając rząd federalny kierowała się chęcią podtrzymania dobrych relacji politycznych i gospodarczych. Zrównoważona polityka pozwoliła wziąć udział w Międzynarodowej Grupie Obserwatorów, co przyczyniło się do wzrostu prestiżu państwa na arenie międzynarodowej. ; The article analyzes Poland's policy on the conflict in Biafra in 1967–1970. The basis for the research are unpublished materials collected in the Archive of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs. According to the author, the Polish diplomacy, maintaining a reserved position on the secession of the Eastern Province of Nigeria and supporting the federal government, was guided by the desire to maintain good political and economic relations. Sustainable politics allowed to take part in the International Observers Group, which contributed to the increase of the prestige of the state on the international arena.
The establishment of the Lithuanian state and the consolidation of independence in the Republic of Lithuania (1918–1940) was accompanied by the construction of an appropriate collective memory and the accompanying historical narrative. The Catholic Church in Lithuania at that time was an authoritative institution that influenced various spheres of domestic life in the country; therefore, it could also influence the collective memory. This article attempts to answer whether the Catholic Church in Interwar Lithuania sought to form a collective memory. It is stated that the Lithuanian Episcopate did not demonstrate a purposeful desire to form a collective memory because it did not have a clear and unified approach to the culture of memory. There were other reasons: at first it was hindered by the worries of creating an independent ecclesiastical province of Lithuania, and from the end of the 1930s the Church's relations with the government became strained, as the latter hindered the social activity of Catholic society. The Church did not specifically shape its own story about the creation of a modern Lithuanian state and the history of modern Lithuania. However, the Church turned to this past when, in defending the freedom of action of the Catholic Church, it wanted to emphasise the role of the Church in the creation of an independent state of Lithuania.
The establishment of the Lithuanian state and the consolidation of independence in the Republic of Lithuania (1918–1940) was accompanied by the construction of an appropriate collective memory and the accompanying historical narrative. The Catholic Church in Lithuania at that time was an authoritative institution that influenced various spheres of domestic life in the country; therefore, it could also influence the collective memory. This article attempts to answer whether the Catholic Church in Interwar Lithuania sought to form a collective memory. It is stated that the Lithuanian Episcopate did not demonstrate a purposeful desire to form a collective memory because it did not have a clear and unified approach to the culture of memory. There were other reasons: at first it was hindered by the worries of creating an independent ecclesiastical province of Lithuania, and from the end of the 1930s the Church's relations with the government became strained, as the latter hindered the social activity of Catholic society. The Church did not specifically shape its own story about the creation of a modern Lithuanian state and the history of modern Lithuania. However, the Church turned to this past when, in defending the freedom of action of the Catholic Church, it wanted to emphasise the role of the Church in the creation of an independent state of Lithuania.
The establishment of the Lithuanian state and the consolidation of independence in the Republic of Lithuania (1918–1940) was accompanied by the construction of an appropriate collective memory and the accompanying historical narrative. The Catholic Church in Lithuania at that time was an authoritative institution that influenced various spheres of domestic life in the country; therefore, it could also influence the collective memory. This article attempts to answer whether the Catholic Church in Interwar Lithuania sought to form a collective memory. It is stated that the Lithuanian Episcopate did not demonstrate a purposeful desire to form a collective memory because it did not have a clear and unified approach to the culture of memory. There were other reasons: at first it was hindered by the worries of creating an independent ecclesiastical province of Lithuania, and from the end of the 1930s the Church's relations with the government became strained, as the latter hindered the social activity of Catholic society. The Church did not specifically shape its own story about the creation of a modern Lithuanian state and the history of modern Lithuania. However, the Church turned to this past when, in defending the freedom of action of the Catholic Church, it wanted to emphasise the role of the Church in the creation of an independent state of Lithuania.
The establishment of the Lithuanian state and the consolidation of independence in the Republic of Lithuania (1918–1940) was accompanied by the construction of an appropriate collective memory and the accompanying historical narrative. The Catholic Church in Lithuania at that time was an authoritative institution that influenced various spheres of domestic life in the country; therefore, it could also influence the collective memory. This article attempts to answer whether the Catholic Church in Interwar Lithuania sought to form a collective memory. It is stated that the Lithuanian Episcopate did not demonstrate a purposeful desire to form a collective memory because it did not have a clear and unified approach to the culture of memory. There were other reasons: at first it was hindered by the worries of creating an independent ecclesiastical province of Lithuania, and from the end of the 1930s the Church's relations with the government became strained, as the latter hindered the social activity of Catholic society. The Church did not specifically shape its own story about the creation of a modern Lithuanian state and the history of modern Lithuania. However, the Church turned to this past when, in defending the freedom of action of the Catholic Church, it wanted to emphasise the role of the Church in the creation of an independent state of Lithuania.
The Visegrad Group countries are taking actions that confirm their ambitions in the framework of cyber security policy. The tasks formulated both in strategic documents and in international forums are evidence of the active role of Central European governments in the area of cyber security. Many countries are facing a rising tide of cyberattacks, which are likely to intensify over time. Any such incident has the potential to inflict significant damage, undermining trust in government and causing unpredictable political consequences. For this reason, there is an apparent desire on the part of the V4 countries to build common cyber resilience based on close cooperation with the EU and NATO. Another way of describing the actions taken in the article is budget spending on cyber security, which is an important measure for assessing the development of the cyber capabilities of individual countries. The article is an attempt to summarize the actions taken by the V4 countries in the period 2013-2021 within the framework of cyber security policy, which for the most part remains in the sphere of mere political declarations. The research analysis undertaken can serve as a starting point for further consideration of V4 cooperation especially in the context of the military aggression of the Russian Federation after 24 February 2022. This event mandates consideration of the future of cooperation between Central European countries – in the broadest sense – on security policy.
The main problem the author deals with at the very beginning of his article concerns the causes of failure of the tasks that were taken up to limit the number of directions with the aid of which a superior institution makes a subordinate institution act according to their own preference. The reason these problems were taken up for is the widely known lack of adaptation of some enterprises to the demand changes, as well as other deficiencies of a given enterprise activity. The author points out to some common features of all the situations in which the number of directions was limited. It is based on the existence of so called institutional verification. We can speak about the institutional verification only when the definitial decisive criterion to give an entreprise a money reward is a superior institution. The aim of this article is to show that there exists a permanent tendency of a superior institution to multiply the number of directions. The origin of this tendency is the impossibility to form such a system of directions which would make the industrial enterprise act according to the preferences of a suprior institution. Any limitation of the number of directions enlarges the divergence between the activity of an enterprise and the direction that a superior institution would desire. The effect of this divergence is the return to the initial situation. ; Digitalizacja i deponowanie archiwalnych zeszytów RPEiS sfinansowane przez MNiSW w ramach realizacji umowy nr 541/P-DUN/2016
Artykuł prezentuje problem integracji Polskiej z Unią Europejską przez pryzmat dychotomii przełomu lat 2015–2016. Pierwszą kwestią, którą w nim poruszono to dążenie Polski do połączenia się z systemem euroatlantyckim po odzyskaniu suwerenności politycznej w roku 1989. Wydawać by się mogło, że uzyskano w tej kwestii wielki sukces, który miał być wyznacznikiem polskiej polityki zagranicznej na XXI wiek. Było to przyjęcie naszego kraju do NATO 12 marca 1999 roku, a następnie akcesja do Unii Europejskiej w 2004 roku po kilkunastu latach starań i przygotowań. Okres taki trwał 11 lat do momentu przejęcia władzy przez PiS w wyborach październikowych 2015 roku. ; The article presents the issue of Poland's integration with the European Union through the prism of the dichotomy encountered at the turn of 2015–2016. The first point it raises is Poland's desire to join the Euro-Atlantic system after regaining its political sovereignty in 1989. It would seem that great success was achieved in this matter, which was to determine Poland's foreign policy for the 21st century. Poland was accepted into NATO on March 12, 1999, and joined the European Union in 2004 after several years of effort and preparations. This attitude prevailed for 11 years until the PiS political party took power in the October 2015 elections.