Suchergebnisse

Thanks to theoretical advances in the natural sciences and the decreased cost of computer technology, computational modeling is becoming an increasingly popular tool in the social sciences. Due to its relative novelty and somewhat marginal position in most disciplines, however, research of this kind has primarily focused on methodological challenges posed by applications to social phenomena. By contrast, the method's theoretical foundations are still relatively poorly understood and many theoretical possibilities remain unexplored by computational scholars. At the same time, social theorists, following in the footsteps of Georg Simmel's pioneering contributions a century ago, have developed a process-based research tradition that anticipates the scientific practices of today's computer-based research. In short, if the sociological process theorists have been computational modelers avant la lettre, the latter can be seen as process theorists "après la lettre".

The process of European integration is a topic of major importance thanks to multiple approaches from experts, politicians, civil society representatives, on the grounds that its implementation in practice has an impact on all spheres of society, from educational to social, economic and political, but and on all the actors directly involved in this process, such as the European Union. At the present stage, for the successful European accession and integration of the Republic of Moldova, it becomes essential to study this process in terms of the given dimensions, because the expected result depends on their effective implementation. It should be noted that the accession process has registered both successes and failures on the path of Europeanization of the Republic of Moldova, there are impediments at the institutional level, although in terms of legislative connection to European standards Moldova has only succes

In the article the author tackles a contemporary issue that is important for institutional strengthening of the Republic of Moldova. Developing a mechanism for efficient interaction of institutions of state power with political parties, ruling ones and in opposition, with the groups of interests, especially those institutional and associative, represents a strategic objective for the Republic of Moldova. Assessing institutions with "rules of the game", the contemporary political science updates the significance of the Constitution for organisation and good unfolding of the political process, for ensuring stability and at the same time dynamism of the socio-political system. The conclusions of the investigation of complex issues like dynamic political processes, functionality of political institutions in conditions of instability / political crisis, contain an educational, instructive message, important for the political actors of the Moldovan society.

It is certain that contemporary higher education institutions have entered the era of great transformation. The environment they operate in has changed fundamentally: professional knowledge and skills have become the main generator of economic development. At the same time, the university is no longer the only provider of high-quality knowledge. Competition on the market of knowledge and academic education services is getting tougher. The efforts made by national education in modernizing and reforming the national higher educational system, in the context of European rigors and exigencies, would not be that obvious if they were not supported by our international partners through various community programs. The successful promotion of reforms in the educational system becomes possible only in terms of identifying, taking over good European practices in the field and implementing/ institutionalizing beneficial and valuable elements for the national higher education system. Good enforcement of reforming provisions is not possible unless there is a cooperative framework between the three main actors. The government shall implement new modern policies in higher education system; the civil society, on its turn shall take the responsibility and availability to be engaged in the reforming processes, and the higher education institutions shall accept the new context and implement the reforms on the institutional level, cooperating in the same way with the other two actors, meanwhile paying attention to the labour market.

The study catches a glimpse of the different faces of "communist death", imagined as "assumed death", "egalitarian death", or exemplary (i.e., heroic) death. In fact, this was really the death of individuality. The goal of this study was achieved through transdisciplinary methodologies, which involve the specific tools of social investigation, interconnected disciplines (see political history, political, cultural and funerary anthropology, social psychology, art and architecture history), through convergent usage of historical sources specific to recent history (official documents, newspapers of the Stalinist period, memory literature, ethnographic sources, funerary inscriptions, interviews). The aim is to present the operations involved in the ideologization of death, a process demanded by "the hunger for legitimacy" of the communist system.

The study of the labour market trends of the evolution at local level has a great importance, because its optimal functioning is vital for ensuring the economic development and competitiveness. From this perspective the quantity and value of the available human resources and the efficiency of their use become essential for the sustainable economic development of the Cahul district. The main factors of influence on the workforce state during 2014-2018 were: the demographic processes, labour force migration and the influence of the
macroeconomic environment. In order to diminish the influence of the listed factors it is necessary: a) to create stable and attractive jobs with a professional growth perspective, b) to facilitate the employers' interaction with potential employees, c) to prevent unemployment among young people. With a constantly growing population, able to work and having various professional training possibilities, the Cahul district is constituted as a regional centre with high
potential of economic development.

The issues related to the territorial organization of public power have existed from ancient times to the present. The territorial organization of public power has a special importance in the process of building a democratic state in the Republic of Moldova.
It is necessary to clarify the essence of the concept of public power in order to reform the current system of territorial organization of public power. The author has analyzed the scientific publications from the Republic of Moldova that were designed to study the public power. The research results have found that the scientific publications do not offer competent answers to the existing problems related to the territorial organization of public power; the experience obtained in the process of reforming the territorial organization of the public power has not been systematized in theory; it is very important to give a scientific definition of the concepts related to that field for the efficient functioning of the system of public power; in the contemporary world, there is a growing interest about this issue, especially in the context of regional development, strengthening the local autonomy, deconcentration and decentralization.

The name is one of the essential basic elements of the identity of a local collectivity. The local collectivity is self-identified and individualized through its name, in relation to the other collectivities of the same type.
The name of local collectivities have functioned and developed during the centuries. Their meaning, content and evolution provide the valuable information concerning the evolution of local collectivities over time.
The return to the traditional names of local territorial collectivities was the first stage of the attempts to the territorial-administrative reform in Moldova.
Although, many localities have reestablished their historical names, the process is not ended. Still today, one can find in toponymic landscape of Moldova, the names of localities which are improper to the national spirit and historical traditions.
The procedure regarding the assignment or change of the designation and the return to the historical names of local collectivities is in the process of examination.

The article investigates the political mechanisms specific to contemporary Romanian politics and political parties, as well as those social representations related to gender roles and the
definition of family that have contributed to maintaining a low level of women participation in
Romanian politics after 1989. In a first part, it sets the conceptual context through a review of the
main theoretical approaches for the political representation of women, with an emphasis on
gender studies' cognitive dimension. Second, it connects a quantitative evaluation of women's
presence in the Romanian post communist parliament with a qualitative analysis of public (i.e.
mass media) discourse of the rejected legislative proposal to introduce gender quotas in various
political and social processes. The author finds that, beyond the dynamics of political elites'
recruitment and the functioning of the political "game", the ideological options and social
representations that emphasize the differences between men and women, as well the central role
of family in building gender roles play an essential part in maintaining a low number of women
within the Parliament.

The legal architecture of the EU is considered to be sui generis and like any other hybrid system, the process of integration and interaction with the older instruments of the member-states can sometimes become difficult. This article investigates the interventionist tendencies of the Bundesverfassungsgericht in EU development and the reactions of the EU Court of Justice. The main finding is that the German Court often acts as a balance setter in the process of EU integration. The research introduces the debate of the national states' legal resistance to integration and highlights the changes brought in this respect by the Treaties of Maastricht and Lisbon.

The study investigates the history of prisons in general. In particular, the author outlines how this process has been developed in Romania. The study is conceived and analysed taking into consideration the historical evolution of humanity, firstly the appearance of prisons is approached and afterwards their evolution until the XVIIIth ce ntury. Later on the reform process of the punitive feudal systems until the establishment of modern prisons is analysed. The study pays special attention to the penitentiary system under the communist regime (in particular, the author analyses the penitentiary system in communist Romania). At the end of the study, the penitentiary system in the post-communist period is analysed, suggesting some prospective visions on the future of penitentiaries.

I present an analysis of the electorate of the left in Romania in the last 25 years (1990-2014), both longitudinal and comparative. The analysis reveals an electorate that has hardly changed since the early 1990's - it continues to be predominantly poor, old, and rural, with little education, much like the electorate of parties such as the Russian Communist Party or the Hungarian Fidesz. I argue that this profile, and its lack of evolution, is largely a product of the left's (FSN, FSDN, PDSR and PSD) lack of genuine commitment to the institutions and principles of liberal democracy.

Nicolae Ceauşescu was born in 1918 and he died in 1989. Due to the extraordinary changes that the Romanian society witnessed during his time, the biography of this son of the peasantry may be re-signified in several vastly contradictory ways. For all intents and purposes however, he may be placed in the category of "professional revolutionaries", an extremely positive valuation within the contemporary Leninist ideology. Once in contact with the illegal communist movement, Ceauşescu became an outlaw, practically from the age of 15. The aftermath of WWII thrust him at the core of decision-making and at the focal point of Romanian power, a position he retained uninterruptedly until three days before his death. He held absolute power for nearly a quarter of a century. His atypical biography also dwindled his already scarce grasp of reality. The propaganda that had sustained the cult for "professional revolutionaries", and -during the final decades- the cult of his own personality determined grave distortions in his social perception, leading, in the "Ceauşescu case", to the "ultimate solution".