Suchergebnisse

Agroforestry is considered a subsistence system that balances the urgent need for food and income of small scale farmers with restoration and conservation of ecosystem services, and climate change adaptation and mitigation. The Vi Agroforestry Program aims to implement agroforestry as a means to alleviate poverty and increase resilience among the poorest smallholders. After seven years, the Vi Agroforestry Project in the Mara Region of Tanzania had an inter-village variation in the proportion of households with tangible surviving agroforestry trees ranging from 10%-90%. Using a multiple methods approach, this variation was analysed in relation to changes and differences among administrative districts and project zones regarding perceived barriers to agroforestry adoption, project interventions, governance and the chronology of the process. In districts and zones where collaboration among the project staff, government counterparts and other stakeholders had been established at multiple levels, more agroforestry trees survived and a larger proportion of households practiced agroforestry. The established collaboration made it possible to discover and consider opportunities and barriers to agroforestry development such as diverse stakeholder interests and perceptions. As a result, potential conflicts could be avoided and socially robust solutions developed, adapted and integrated into the local subsistence systems.

Biodiversity conservation is an important contemporary issue on global, EU and national policy agendas. However, in the face of human economic development, the important question is how to protect, maintain and restore biodiversity, without compromising economic and social dimensions of sustainability. Two sectors that can to a large extent influence biodiversity are forestry and road infrastructure development. Forestry is a sector very important for biodiversity conservation, since a large amount of protected and threatened species resides in forest ecosystems and many natural processes crucial for biodiversity occur in the forest. In addition, forests and woodlands form a network of habitats for many area-demanding species. Due to intensive forest management and fragmentation of forest and woodlands many elements of biodiversity are threatened, including species, habitats and processes. Road infrastructure development is another process that can negatively influence biodiversity. A growing network of transport infrastructure without doubt affects the functionality of the forest habitat networks. Negative effects include traffic mortality due to road collisions and barrier effect for individuals caused by high traffic volume, noise, wide roads and fencing. Cumulative effects of the infrastructure development can also lead to a loss of different elements of biodiversity at the landscape scale. Poland, with a legacy of less intensive forest management and still without a well-developed road infrastructure, is fortunate in terms of biodiversity maintenance. Due to economic underdevelopment of some regions of the country, Poland is rich in natural values including specialized species, functional habitat networks and ecological processes. However, after entering the European Union, Poland has started a process of rapid economic development, mainly with the help of EU funding. Enhancing road infrastructure is presently a key issue of economic development in this country. Dramatic growth in the amount of new roads can have large scale consequences for the biodiversity of the country, and can even influence biodiversity at the European scale. Policies aiming at biodiversity maintenance underline the need for implementing sustainability ideas in the planning and management for biodiversity. Traditionally, economic, environmental and social pillars of sustainability are identified. To be able to balance these three dimensions in the efforts for biodiversity conservation, there is a need to incorporate social dimensions in the nature science research concerning biodiversity. Especially, consideration of local attitudes is necessary in planning for biodiversity conservation. The aim of this thesis is to examine actors' attitudes and underlying values in two situations of conflict related to biodiversity conservation in Poland. One case concerns forest management in a biodiversity hot-spot, Białowieża forest and the other is about a development of a controversial road project of Augustów bypass. The results show that differences in attitudes may have various sources. The knowledge possessed by actors, their values, as well as scale at which they perceived biodiversity issues were identified as the main reasons for different attitudes. It was observed that in general, the actors whose attitudes were more "ecologically oriented" had to a large extent a cognitive view, that is their attitudes were mainly based on cognition (ecological knowledge) while "socially" or "economically oriented" actors' attitudes were more connected to emotions. In addition to differing attitudes, lack of trust was recognized in both cases as a factor escalating the conflict. The results showed also that legal issues are crucial to consider when biodiversity conservation is at stake. The results may have implications for the practical biodiversity conservation, since they show that both learning and legal incentives would be beneficial for the biodiversity conservation in controversial planning cases. This calls for the need for neutral forum for efficient public participation, communication and trust building between the actors and learning about important issues

This study addressed the triangular relations between Latin America, Beijing and Washington in the last 15 years using a process tracing technique on the economic and political models of the region. It specifically focused on the South American development during the post-Washington Consensus era, as well as the expanding influence of China over this region. The aim of this paper was to transmit the idea that the failure of neoliberalism in the 90s together with the expansionism of China have shaped the contemporary political and economic arena among the countries of South America. This work could help to understand the historical process of the construction of develop paradigms on the region and its impact on the society.

Design science research was used for the generation, use and evaluation of a model for knowledge sharing in the user community through open educational resources (OER). The focus of interest was on the development process of a model for knowledge sharing that emphasizes the characteristics and the needs of the user community; the empowerment and democratic issues of openness; the collaboration between institutions and dialog with society; and the consideration of quality and sustainability issues. Initially, the community needs were analyzed through surveys and workshops, and the findings used, through negotiations, to formulate the development process. An open-training platform served as an infrastructure and included a repository with OER, a wiki and a discussion forum. The purpose of this article is an attempt to provide universities with a plan and template for integrated knowledge sharing that responds to societal needs. Usability and usefulness has not been evaluated. (C) 2013 Elsevier Ltd. All rights reserved.

Public involvement in the planning process is a prerequisite for democratic outcomes. Environmental issues regarding impacts of sound tend to be limited to mere exercises in noise estimation and guideline values. Such information is difficult for the layman to understand, and such a lack of understanding produces shortcomings in the democratic process. In addition to decibel calculations interpretable by experts, the sonic environment also can be described in more accessible ways. This article reports on a concrete planning case, the widening of the railway through Åkarp in southern Sweden, where the usual calculations of equivalent noise and maximum noise are undergoing critical analysis. In order to complement the noise description, a new measurement has been devised, "high noise time," which is equal to the total time per 24 hours in which trains pass through a place without stopping. The frequency and duration of the passing of trains may be a better measure of disturbance than the maximum noise peak per passage or the equivalent (average) noise level distributed over 24 hours. Film technology also has been developed as a method for recording the frequency and duration of train passage.

Society and Identity- Developments and Challenges in Swedish Youth Politics in the 1990´s. There are many ways to describe and value young people's interest and engagement in politics. While some defend extraparliamentarian activism as an important road to political engagement, others stress the need for young people to become familiar with the political system. These two contradictory views express a common concern for the importance of involving the young in the political process – this is an issue that the system has to deal with. Should the established political system affirm the youths' active participation and desire to make a change? Is it possible to do this without a loss of respect for democracy? Is it possible to develop democracy without changing it radically Behind these questions, lies the deeper question about how the established democratic system, in practice in the state and municipalities, handle a) the political involvement of youths and b) the transmission of democratic values to new generations. Furthermore, these questions are based on the fundamental assumption that a democratic culture can only be communicated and upheld through processes of political socialization, where norms, knowledge and values are passed on from one generation to the next. In order for this particular kind of communication to succeed, it is crucial that people see their citizenship in a democratic society as an important part of their identity. One of the main functions of the democratic political system is to create and uphold identities and attitudes that are intimately connected to the system itself. Therefore, the political institutions are central actors in the communication process of political socialization. Communication is a paradoxical concept. It is a human activity that everyone is involved in, but few can define unambiguously. Professor James Carey, who analyses the concept in Communication as culture, essays on media and society (1989), introduced the idea of communication as ritual. Although broad in meaning, this definition highlights communication as central in the construction of both society and identity. Society exists and works through the communication between people and because we learn the codes of interaction that exist in the societal context: But, whatever the details of the production and reproduction of social life, it is through communication, through the intergraded relations of symbols and social structure, that societies, or at least those with we are most familiar, are created, maintained, and transformed. In this dissertation, the notion that communication is pivotal in the formation of both society and identities, is fundamental. Communication is the core of democratic development and the passing on of democratic values from one generation to the next. Political socialization is a question of communication processes. Objective and research questions The objective of this dissertation is to investigate how the main actors in the Swedish political system; the state and the municipalities, deal with processes of society- and identity formation. This is achieved through an analysis of the perspectives on political socialization that are expressed by these actors in youth politics in the 1990's. Three main research questions are central in this dissertation: Do the state and the municipalities understand their role in the process of political socialization as mainly hierachical or interactive? How is the role of the youth construed by these actors? Are they seen as active or passive in the process of political socialization? Do these actors regard political socialization chiefly as a matter of continuation or as development? Over the years, political socialization research has generated different views on the youth, democracy development and the political system. Early research tended to regard the youth as a passive group in a hierarchical political system that acted mainly on behalf of it's own preservation. This perspective saw political socialization as a matter of teaching the young to assimilate to the existing political system. Later research has shown that the process is more interactive than was previously thought: youths are influenced, but at the same time they also influence others. This shift in perspective raises questions of how the political system construes the process of political socialization, it's own role in this process, the role the youth and ultimately; how democracy best can be developed. Conclusion The findings of the different studies in this dissertation show an overwhelmingly hierarchical construal of political socialization by the state and the municipalities. The idea of interactivity and development, advocated by later research, is only visible in some of the municipalities. Furthermore, youths are considered as having some political awareness, but this awareness needs to be cultivated through teaching. Therefore, youths are seen as passive receivers in the communicative process of political socialization – and not as active participants. At the same time, –on a rhetorical level–both the state and the municipalities express an ambition to create possibilities for youths to take responsibility and to find their own organizational solutions for political engagement. However, this dissertation also shows that this ambition is nowhere matched by any willingness to change the existing system, if that is what is required in order for the youth to develop own organizational solutions. The state regards the process of political socialization from a perspective of continuation and conservation. Youths are therefore mainly seen as a problem until they have reached a level of political awareness that allows them to function within the existing political system. The municipalities wants to get involved in the political socialization of youths through their "youth-councils", but it is obvious that the main perspective is one of socialization into the existing political system. In order to be able to participate and have influence on decision-making, youths have to learn the form and the language required by the existing political system. It is not, according to the municipalities, the system that needs to change. The state and the municipalities consider youths as mouldable object that also have the ability to participate and shape society. When the states and municipalities' assumptions about the youth's political interests and enthusiasm do not correlate to the youth's, the process of identity-formation becomes paradoxical. A hierarchical system meets young people who do not want to interact with the system. A system aimed at its own continuation and preservation of the existing order, that mainly aims to teach youths to fit into the system, will meet youths who want to create new forms of organizations. Therefore, when the state and municipalities in the ambition of socializing youths into the political system, shut the door to real participation and influence that would mean actual change and development, it is perhaps not so surprising that some youths canalize their political commitment through extraparliamentary activism. On a rhetorical level everyone applauds ideas of development of the political system. But in reality, the state and the municipalities regard this development as challenging when the suggested changes threatens the established order.

The multi-story wood construction industry has been on the rise in the past decades because of new regulations making it legal in Sweden and Finland. Politicians have been suggesting more wood materials in buildings because of the positive environmental impact when wood stores carbon dioxide. Concrete is still the most used material in buildings and many developers have a poor perception of wood. The aim of this project was to analyze the wood construction industry in Sweden and Finland. More specifically to identify enabling and limiting factors and suggest measures for increased usage of wood. The method used was a qualitative and quantitative web survey directed to architects and structural engineers experienced in wood construction. The target group was reached by using connections from the project "Knock on wood" and reaching out to interest organizations. This project found that knowledge gaps among developers and contractors, high costs, and lack of standardized processes were limiting the industry. To overcome these issues and increase the usage of wood, the conclusion was: Industry actors need more education about wood construction, carbon taxes should be implemented on materials, and more prefabricated wood products should be made by the manufacturers. Flervåningsbyggandet med trä har ökat i Sverige och Finland de senaste decennierna efter ändringar i reglerna kring träbyggnad. Politiker föreslår att vi borde använde mer trä inom byggandet för den positiva miljöpåverkan trä ger när det lagrar koldioxid. Cement är fortfarande det materialet som används mest inom flervåningsbyggandet och många byggherrar har en dålig uppfattning av trä. Syftet med den här studien var att analysera träbyggnadsindustrin i Sverige och Finland. Mer specifik, så vill studien identifiera drivkrafter och begränsande faktorer, och sen föreslå åtgärder för att öka användandet av trä. Metoden som användes var en webbenkät för arkitekter och byggnadsingenjörer som har erfarenhet av att jobba med trä. Målgruppen nåddes genom att ...

This article brings together the concepts of land and landscape, tightly linked in urban transformative situations, but rarely used for the purpose to strengthen strategic planning for sustainability. They are investigated as a combined base for land use deliberations, in early phases of planning processes, in practices of different scale, especially in a European context, drawing on planning and landscape policies generally agreed upon, as well as the UN Sustainable Development Goals. This article argues for taking into consideration the landscape as experienced human habitat, in relation to the understanding of land as both a common resource, and as pieces of property. This is motivated partly by the more or less global political trend and the turn from state interventions to individualistic capitalism (calling for new methods to solve common challenges), but also by a changing planning profession, increased collaborative planning processes, increased significance of public space as a scarce resource in densified cities, the need for holistic perspectives in sustainable urban development and the need for unifying concepts for urban and rural land at a local and regional scale. A new concept "around-scape" is suggested, in order to make visible the subjective binding between available perceived resources and spatial transformation.

Theories on political socialization are being reexamined as researchers are becoming skeptical of their explanatory power. Previous studies often characterized adolescence and young adults as passive objects for socialization, failing to grasp that the political views of adolescence and young adults are constantly changing, and often take a non-institutional form. Some researchers are trying a different approach where mechanisms and processes are put in a central role in determining how adolescents and young adults develop their civic engagement. The objective is to understand how civic engagement changes over time and what role the media and peers play in this socialization process. The studies will last for seven years and consists of longitudinal, experimental and follow-up studies. The results will be checked against individual, biological, sociological and cognitive factors, and gender. L. Pitkaniemi

The current malnutrition epidemic calls for multiple solutions. The aim of the thesis is to identify the themes of the debate regarding the development of a single Front of-package nutrition label in the European Union. In order to reach the aim, a case study approach was used by looking at the positions of different stakeholders in Sweden, Italy as well as by looking at the debate inside of the European Commission and European Council of Ministries. Data were collected through semi-structured interviews and analysis of documents. The results show that the stakeholders are trying to influence the process towards contrasting outcomes. Different stakeholders argue for very different ideal labelling schemes, while still agreeing on the need for harmonization. Major disagreement arise on whether the label should be voluntary, based on portion or 100 g and on the ideal label design. The type of view depends on the stakeholder role and on its previous experience with this type of labelling. The political debate inside of the European Union is still at an early stage and no consensus has yet been reached, the divergences between the representatives of the Member Countries partially deal with arguments similar to those exposed by the stakeholders. The patterns that emerge from the analysis of the different point of views can facilitate the cooperation between stakeholders and policy-makers. ; Trots teknologisk utveckling har nuvarande livsmedelssystem inte förmått att uppnå livsmedelssäkerhet och folkhälsa för alla. Problemen i världens många livsmedessystem varierar i grad och fokus. I stunden är 17 % av barn som bor i Europa överviktiga, och givet dagens förutsättningar i livsmedelssystem och levnadsvanor förutspås 37 % av vuxna i Europa vara feta 2030. Denna situation är att betrakta som en epidemi, som drabbar vissa grupper i samhället mer än andra, och den är kopplad till många andra icke smittsamma sjukdomar. För individen kan övervikt leda till en lägre livskvalité och för samhället innebär det ökade hälso- och sjukvårdskostnader. Eftersom det är många faktorer som påverkar en individs matvanor ligger ansvaret både på individer och på samhälle för att skapa förutsättningar för en hälsosam livsstil vad gäller livsmedelskonsumtion. För att vägleda konsumenter i matrelaterade val har många länder i Europa en tradition som innebär att konsumenten får hälsorelaterad information om produkten på förpackningen. Det ger konsumenten möjlighet att göra konsumtionsval baserat på mer information. Traditionen inom EU att använda information, fakta och symboler, på livsmedelsprodukter skiljer sig dock mellan länder, och det leder till förvirring och politiska problem. Problemen har banat väg för att EU 2020 kommunicerade målet att skapa en harmoniserad form för information på livsmedelsprodukter som säljs i länder i EU. Detta löfte har skapat debatt och starka röster som ser väldigt olika lösningar på problemet. Syftet med projektet är att identifiera tema i debatten i EU om ett harmoniserat format för information på livsmedelsprodukter. Studien är en fallstudie i vilken debatten från två länders perspektiv, Italien och Sverige, är av speciellt intresse. Tillgängliga sekundärdata från EU och de två valda länderna, och semistrukturerade intervjuer utgör datainsamlingsmetod. En innehållsanalys genomfördes med utgångspunkt i intressent-, varumärkes- och standardutvecklingsbegrepp som hörnstenar för en förståelse för förändringsprocessen. Resultaten från studien visar att representanter för de valda organisationerna i studien förordar en harmonisering av regler för konsumentinformation. Synen på sättet på vilket det skall göras skiljer sig däremot åt. Återkommande tema i intervjuerna är frivillighet, som innebär att det är upp till livsmedelsproducenten att bestämma om produkten skall ha en symbol som visar övergripande näringsinformation eller detaljerad näringsinnehållsinformation. Olika intressenter arbetar på flera fronter för att frågan skall få en lösning. Medan EU samlar in data för att kartlägga alternativa metoder och traditioner arbetar Ministerrådet för att skapa politiska förutsättningar för dialog och samsyn i frågan. Grunden för att skapa ett harmoniserat system ligger i en samsyn på vetenskapliga bevis. Den politiska debatten pågår och kommer att kräva tid innan politiska beslut kan fattas. ; Nonostante il suo sviluppo tecnologico, l'attuale sistema alimentare non è stato in grado di garantire la sicurezza alimentare per tutti. I tipi di malnutrizione presenti variano considerevolmente a livello mondiale; al momento il 17% dei bambini europei è obeso o ovrappeso e, alle presenti condizioni, il 37% degli adulti sarà obeso nel 2030. Questa epidemia di malnutrizione colpisce le categorie svantaggiate in maniera sproporzionata ed è connessa con molte malattie non trasmissibili. La malnutrizione contribuisce a una minore qualità della vita e a una maggior pressione sul sistema sanitario. Ci sono molti fattori che influenzano la dieta delle persone e quindi la responsabilità di risolvere il problema è sia individuale sia collettiva. Negli anni, molti paesi Europei hanno creato sistemi di etichettatura nutrizionale fronte-pacco, con lo scopo di aumentare la comprensione della qualità nutrizionale dei prodotti da parte dei consumatori, così che questi possano fare scelte più consapevoli. In questi sistemi, le informazioni sono presentate sul lato del prodotto che i consumatori vedono al momento dell'acquisto, cosi da facilitarne l'utilizzo. I sistemi di etichettatura fronte-pacco in vigore nell'Unione Europea sono molto diversi tra loro, rappresentando una fonte di confusione per i consumatori e un ostacolo al commercio nel Mercato Unico. Nel 2020, la Commissione Europea ha espresso l'intenzione di adottare una singola etichetta fronte-pacco da utilizzare in tutti i Paesi Membri. L'annuncio ha provocato un grande dibattito, dove gli interessati argomentano soluzioni molto diverse tra loro. Lo scopo della tesi è identificare i temi del dibattito riguardante lo sviluppo di un'unica etichetta fronte-pacco all'interno dell'Unione Europea. Il case-study esplora il dibattito sull'etichetta in corso in Italia e Svezia. I dati sono stati raccolti tramite analisi di documenti e interviste semi-strutturate con stakeholder in entrambi i paesi e con la Commissione Europea. I dati sono quindi stati analizzati con l'aiuto delle teorie sugli stakeholder, sulle etichette, sugli standard e sulle transizioni. I risultati mostrano che, nonostante le organizzazioni selezionate siano in favore dell'armonizzazione, ci sono idee molto diverse rispetto quali caratteristiche l'etichetta comune dovrebbe avere. Temi del dibattito sono, per esempio, la volontarietà dell'etichetta o se questa debba presentare una valutazione complessiva del valore nutrizionale dell'alimento o solo il suo contenuto nutrizionale. Sia il ruolo sia il paese di origine degli intervistati influenzano il loro punto di vista, similarità e differenze di opinione possono essere viste lungo queste linee. Le organizzazioni investigate sono attive sia nel dibattito Europeo sia in quelli nazionali. Le istituzioni europee, responsabili del processo legislativo, sono attive sul tema in modo diverso. La Commissione Europea sta ancora raccogliendo le evidenze scientifiche riguardanti questo tipo di etichette e che serviranno per scrivere la Proposta. Il Consiglio dell'Unione Europea non ha ancora trovato una posizione comune e i Ministri partecipanti hanno posizioni molto differenti. Il dibattito politico interno al Consiglio ha a che fare, per la maggior parte, con i temi presentati dalle organizzazioni intervistate. A causa delle rilevanti differenze in termini di etichetta ideale si può supporre che il dibattito andrà avanti ancora per molto tempo e si evolverà mentre emergono nuove evidenze scientifiche e sono prese decisioni politiche.

This study analyses the history of a large hydroelectric scheme – the Great Ruaha power project in Tanzania. The objective is to establish why and how this specific scheme came about, and as part of this to identify the key actors involved in the decision-making process, including the ideological contexts within which they acted. Although the Tanzanian actors and the World Bank (IBRD) are discussed, main focus is on the Swedish actors on project level.Kidatu, the first phase of the Great Ruaha power project (constructed between1970-1975), became the first large-scale hydropower station in Tanzania. As such, it paved the way for Tanzanian entrance into the Big Dam Era and significant changes within the Tanzanian landscape. As well as the dry river bed at Kidatu, and the small reservoir that precedes it, the Great Ruaha power project also involved the creation of a huge artificial lake, the Mtera reservoir. The Kidatu hydropower station was the first large undertaking within Swedish bilateral aid, and implied the takeover of control of hydropower construction in Tanzania by Swedish enterprises, replacing the enterprises of the former colonial power. A hydropower plant is a complex technoscientific artefact. The construction of a hydropower plant is preceded by a large number of technological choices, scientific prestudies and estimations of costs and revenues. A hydropower plant is also a complex social creation, and is as such filled with social actors engaged in conflicts, compromises and power structures. The decision to construct Kidatu hydropower station was a result of negotiations and activities within what is called "development assistance". This brings in yet another dimension, the political one, involving export and import of technology, foreign capital, and foreign influence in decision-making processes, as well as ideas about how to bring development and progress to a people supposed to be living in "poverty and misery". The study is divided into three main parts. The first part analyses the context of Swedish development assistance in the support to the construction of hydropower plants. This part discusses Swedish state-supported hydropower exploitation of indigenous people's territory within Sweden's borders in the 20th century and the background of Swedish development assistance, from the 1950s to the early 1960s. The second part analyses the event of Swedish development assistance entering Tanzania and the Great Ruaha power project, with the main focus being on the period 1965 – 1970. The third part is an analysis of the technoscientific basis for the decisions taken to implement the Great Ruaha hydropower scheme. Main focus is on the period 1969-1974, discussed against the backdrop of precolonial and colonial studies. While focus is on the 1960s and 1970s, in both part two and three events in the 1980s and 1990s are discussed. The study shows that although Sweden was not a colonial power in Tanzania, colonial imagery, and relations to the colonial era, as well as Sweden's background of internal colonialisation, exerted an influence on the decision-making process and the actors involved in the Great Ruaha power project.The study is mainly based on archival sources, complemented with oral sources from Tanzania and Sweden. Recognizing the complexity of large-scale hydropower and the attempts to control watercourses that large scale hydropower necessitates, in the specific context of decolonisation and development assistance that the decision-making process behind the Great Ruaha hydropower scheme reveals, the analysis of the actors involved is based on feminist and postcolonial perspectives.

This dissertation studies the development of the environmental issue from a discursive perspective. Through an analysis of views on nature and the environment in several NGOs and main political organs, the dissertation tries to explain how a certain view became hegemonic. The analysis pertains to the period between the publication of Silent Spring in 1962 and the introduction of the concept sustainable development by the UN in 1987. From a realistic starting point and with critical discourse analysis (CDA) as its method, the dissertation aims to identify causal powers and mechanisms that have generated and institutionalized the environmental discourse. An analytical model is developed and applied on three levels; a sociolinguistic, institutional, and macrosocial level; which also reflect the methodological progression of the study from description to explanation. The result shows that the discursive practice was hegemonized by a Western view promoting economic growth. This discourse gradually gained ground at the expense of an anti-systemic discourse which posited structural societal changes as the answer to environmental problems. Mechanisms such as the exclusion of some views and actors from common discursive practices were crucial for the process of homogenizing the discourse and developing consensus. Through incorporating that part of the environmental movement which did not fight the dominant economic and political system, the UN turned it into support for its own project, which is part of the process of hegemony. At the same time the environmental objectives of the hegemonic discourse were established in the institutional spheres. The institutionalization of the environmental issue changed the focus from social critique to a question of development and technology, something which helped displace the original critical and partially anti-systemic character of environmental discourse. Through turning the critical and negative account of the situation into a more harmonious and hopeful vision, for instance in terms of sustainable development, a foundation was laid for the later development of ecological modernization. When the hegemonic discourse invested the concept of sustainable development with emphases on progress and economic growth, it encapsulated the environmental issue within the framework of the prevailing social system. ; With summary in English and Spanish/Con resumen en inglés y en español

In the late 19th century it became possible to utilize electricity in lighting, industrial processes and for traction. To Sweden, which at that time was gradually being transformed from an overwhelmingly agrarian country into an industrialized nation, this was of great advantage because Sweden was a country well furnished with hydro-electric power, but almost completely lacking in other sources of energy. Beginning in the 1890's a number of privately-owned powerstations were built almost all over the country. During the early 20th century, the Swedish Government became increasingly involved in hydropower development. In 1906 the Government decided to make its debut as a power producer. A government bill proposing the building of a power station at Trollhättan was submitted to the Swedish Parliament, and Parliament approved this bill the same year. Two years later the State Power Board was formed, and in 19 10 Parliament approved plans to build a great power station at Porjus, on the Lule River in the north of Sweden. This power station is the main object of my study. The questions 1 shall try to give an answer to in my study are the following. Why did the State build a power station at Porjus? What happened to the industrial visions that initiated this project? On a more general level my dissertation intends to contribute to the understanding of the establishment of modem technological systems in Sweden. 1 shall try to achieve this by means of a model elaborated by Thomas P. Hughes, Professor of the History of Technology at the University of Pennsylvania. In Hughes' model technical systems are regarded as a part of a "socio-technical" or "technological" system. The core of the theory can be expressed in these words: "They are both socially constructed and society shaping." In my study, which consists of four parts, Part 1 is a study in which energy conditions in Sweden at the turn of the century are discussed in order to ascertain whether the prevailing sources of energy and power transmission methods are to be regarded as promotors of, or obstacles to a continued industrialisation. In Part 11 the following question is put in focus. Why did the State build one of its first big power stations in an area of wilderness in the north of Sweden? The answer to that question is given through a discussion in three steps. It starts with a discussion about why the Railway Board wanted to electrify the State railway. When the Railway Board made that decision they had intended to carry out the largescale trial electrification of a railway line in the western part of Sweden. In 1908 these plans were changed and the Railway Board decided to choose the Riksgräns Railway in the north of Sweden instead. The reasons for this change are discussed in a second step, and after that a discussion follows in which the choice of the Porjus Falls is explained. In Part 111 the dimensioning of the Porjussystem is discussed - i. e. the preliminary work that were needed to build the station, the power station, the transmission system and the locomotives. In the discussion problems connected with the locality of the Porjus Falls are emphasized. Part IV contains a discussion on the following theme. What happened with the industrial expectations which were once the main reason for the decision to build a power station at Porjus? ; Godkänd; 1994; 20070426 (ysko)

Dealing with environmental problems has become one of the most challenging political issues of our time. Since the Brundtland report in 1987, environmental policy integration (EPI) that is, the mainstreaming of environmental issues in all policy sectors has emerged as a viable policy solution. This has meant that responsibility for implementing environmental policy rests to a large extent on local authorities where environmental problems with both local and global consequences are expected to be handled. However, there is still a disagreement on what EPI means in day-to-day decision making. With a theoretical framework drawing from theory on policy change, policy entrepreneurship and the neoinstitutional "logic of appropriateness" the aim of this dissertation is to analyze how the integration of environmental considerations manifests itself in local policy processes, highlighting what factors foster or hinder EPI. To reach this aim, I have followed two urban development processes in Kristianstad. This research offers insights on how EPI varies through the policy process and how focus is placed mainly on certain environmental issues and chiefly defined as of local importance. My study suggest that arenas for coordination are critical to overcoming the perceived "gap" between EPI on a strategic level and its implementation. This can help to clarify responsibility allocation among bureaucrats and their leeway for interpretation when new issues comes up continuously during the processes and affect the conditions for EPI. Furthermore, the dissertation gives insights on how acting "entrepreneurially" can enable an environmental issue to be included and given priority. This can also be a barrier if the ones acting entrepreneurially are not part of the entire process because the issue might receive less attention. In addition, if too much attention is given to one issue it might overshadow other environmental issues. Conversely, acting according to "the logic of appropriateness" can enable EPI by enhancing a more all-encompassing perspective on environmental considerations and also function as a cautious approach to radical change by preventing measures taken in absence of democratic legitimacy. By using the two theoretical perspectives, "entrepreneurial" and "appropriate" agency, this dissertation offers important insights into how different ways of acting interact and affect EPI and its outcome.

The view of networks has changed within the field of policy studies. Once they were considered as hampering the policy process, but today they are accepted as a legitimate policy instrument. The Swedish Government, for instance, makes use of networks to steer society. One attempt to do so is the Sustainable Municipality Programme launched by the Swedish Energy Agency in 2003. Five municipalities where selected to participate in this collaborative process to further sustainable energy policies. This thesis explores the potential of network governance theory as a model for describing policy making. A case study addressing three questions was conducted. Firstly, can the Sustainable Munici-pality Programme be described within the framework of network governance theory? Secondly, is this governance network successful in its struggle to achieve its goals? Thirdly, can this example of network governance further a discussion exploring a scenario where inter-municipality network governance might pose a challenge to the principle of local government? The first and second question is answered by focusing on four functions that the governance network should fulfil; to give priority to projects; to mobilize resources, to complete projects and, to evaluate the process. In order to answer the first question the case study focuses on the interaction within the governance network. Is the process organised in a fashion recognisable as network govern-ance, as an ideal type of coordination? The analysis shows that network governance theory provides an analytic framework well suited to shed light on the process. The analysis also shows that the three first functions were achieved. Through negotiations the network gave priority to different projects. The thesis focuses on three of these. The first project includes the education of maintenance person-nel. The second is a research project, investigating different actors' possibilities to plan for a more sustainable use of energy. The third project is a research project carried out within the field of physi-cal planning. The fourth function, evaluation, still poses a problem since the actors themselves are not content with the evaluation model they produced. In order to answer the third question the case study explores the notion of local government and how it can be safeguarded within a governance network. Two indicators are used to analyse this aspect of the process; the democratic anchorage of the governance network and the transparency of the process. The analysis shows that the process has been transparent and that local politicians have had an opportunity to meta govern the process. It is, however, undoubtedly so that the actors, or municipalities, gain influence over each other's policy processes. This causes discontent since local priorities get affected, sometimes negatively. In the end of 2007, four of the five municipalities decided to remain within the programme, or the governance network, for another three years. They are now joined by an additional 60 municipalities. ; Godkänd; 2008; 20080211 (ysko)