AbstractMyanmar faces enormous development challenges in the midst of a rapidly changing and uncertain landscape both in terms of politics and international aid. This article probes into the intertwined nature of political development and the politics of development, drawing upon existing literature and contributions of this special issue. It critically analyzes the mismatch between the long-term societal change processes that Myanmar faces, on the one hand, and the instability of domestic politics and international development, on the other. It is argued that the prospects for development in Myanmar need to be assessed in a context of constant interaction between political development and the politics of development.
The Millennium Development Goals, adopted at the UN Millennium Summit in 2000, are the world's targets for dramatically reducing extreme poverty in its many dimensions by 2015?income poverty, hunger, disease, exclusion, lack of infrastructure and shelter?while promoting gender equality, education, health and environmental sustainability. These bold goals can be met in all parts of the world if nations follow through on their commitments to work together to meet them. Achieving the Millennium Development Goals offers the prospect of a more secure, just, and prosperous world for all. The UN Mi
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The drafting and issuing of Development Briefs is the responsibility of the Planning Authority. Such briefs rigorously regularise land uses and related activities within the areas which they cover. This paper investigates the rationale behind the issuance of Development Briefs within the contemporary local planning system. By drawing parallels with the British planning framework, various options are investigated whereby compensation may be sought/demanded due to excessive planning gain requested as part of a Development Brief prepared by the Planning Authority from developers. By way of concluding the argument, reference is made to the provision contained in the Development Planning Act with respect to Governmental involvement in planning decisions. ; peer-reviewed
This book analyses the impact of the Western idea of 'modernity' on development and underdevelopment in Africa. It traces the genealogy of the Western idea of modernity from European Enlightenment concepts of the universal nature of human history and development, and shows how this idea was used to justify the Western exploitation and oppression of Africa. It argues that contemporary development, theory and practice is a continuation of the Enlightenment project and that Africa can only achieve real development by rejecting Western modernity and inventing its own forms of modernity. The book i.
Development is about aspiration—our longing for a better life as individuals and as a community—and respect, as we individually and collectively recognize and support these aspirations. Development requires the freedom to define and choose that better life; a fair share of the resources needed to realize that life; and narratives of where we currently stand with regard to our aspirations and why, where we want to go, and what it will take to get there. This means that development inevitably takes place in and through politics, law, and the social sciences (especially economics), as we work to articulate our claims and understand how development can occur sustainably within an environment of finite resources. Development raises difficult issues of causality, path dependence, responsibility and justice, which can and have led to urgent and painful conflicts. However, globalization and recent innovative thinking on development may herald a new "post-national" development discourse in which we no longer arbitrarily distinguish between the "local" and the "global," opening the way to increased understanding and cooperation towards deeply shared aims, and a more just global order, meaning inclusive, effective investment in human capabilities for everyone.
In: Burman , J T 2019 , Development . in R J Sternberg & W Pickren (eds) , The Cambridge Handbook of the Intellectual History of Psychology . Cambridge Handbooks in Psychology , Cambridge University Press , pp. 287-317 .
ABSTRACT This essay is about Jean Piaget's late theory, but it is also an advance of my broader historiographical argument regarding the role of intellectual history in uncovering our science's still-relevant "neglected invisibles" (introduced in Burman, 2015). It does this by building on recent scholarship in the History of Biology to show how Historians of Psychology can contribute to contemporary science without falling prey to "presentism" (i.e. the bias introduced into historical narratives as a result of the framing afforded by contemporary concerns). To wit: when the present itself has been biased by past disciplinary politics, then it is not "presentist" to show that this bias exists. Nor is it presentist to follow the consequences of this biasing back to the original sources, and then highlight the resulting neglected invisibles that have continuing contemporary relevance. I do that, here, by leveraging recent scholarship showing that development was actively suppressed from the evolutionary discourse during the 20th century. Because this is starting to change, with the rise of "evo-devo" (the new synthesis of evolutionary and developmental biology that augments the old synthesis of Darwin and Mendel), and because the biological discourse provides meta-theory for evolutionary thinking in adjacent areas, the conditions of possibility for theory in psychology and epistemology are also changing: ideas that were once dismissed as unthinkable can be reconsidered in new light. Therefore, here, I turn to what Piaget called his "hazardous hypotheses," and reexamine his long-neglected proposals—building on Baldwin and Waddington—for a single unifying evolutionary, developmental, psychological, and epistemological mechanism. PLAN FOR THE BOOK The handbook will cover how psychological ideas have evolved from past to present. The book will be organized much as an introductory-psychology text is, except that the goal of each chapter will be not merely to present the most recent theory and research, but rather the intellectual history of this theory and research. The book will be an intellectual history of psychology, but whereas textbooks on the history of psychology are virtually all organized chronologically, with successive chapters covering the history of ideas in all of the fields combined at different times in the past, our volume will be organized topically, with history reviewed for each of the major topics of investigation in psychology. We believe the topical organization has a large advantage over a strictly chronological one, in that fields have evolved differently, and when one does a strictly chronological book, progress in each given field tends to be given short shrift in favor of generalities. Obviously, there is no one "right" way to organize an intellectual history, but we believe that our topical approach will provide readers with the most scholarly, comprehensive, and useful history of the field. For better or worse (and we believe, for worse), students of psychology are learning less and less history of their field. The senior editor has authored several textbooks, and when he gets back reviews, the tendency almost always is for referees to recommend that historical material be cut back or even dropped. They may be responding to student preferences or their own ideas about pedagogy, but one scarcely can understand the present if one does not understand the past. George Santayana's statement, "Those who cannot remember the past are condemned to repeat it," applies equally well to the history of ideas as to the history of political and economic institutions. We believe that the subject matter of psychology demands historical scrutiny. The history of psychology allows us to see how psychological knowledge has been created and what role it has played in what people say and believe about being human, whether the topic is how they think, feel, or interact with each other.
