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Investigating the 'culture of poverty' is currently in vogue. Given the recent focus on the poor within the United States, the values, family structure, and behavior of the poor are being examined and re-examined. If nothing else, this activity seems to be uncovering the fact that the poor in the United States are not unlike the poor of many other cultures. Most of the research has been, and is, centered on the adult; in particular, on the discrepancies between the adult poor and the 'Protestant ethic' middle class society as it is reflected, if not in the reality of the middle class itself, at least in the mind of the reseacher. This paper explores the development and maintenance of the value system associated with the poor by focusing on the concept of scarcity.2 Further, it attempts to explain the transmission of these values through child-training activities; that is, to dig beneath the vague concept of socialization. The base for the research reported here is in Peru. Learning theory models are examined, along with more anthropological and sociological perspectives. The essential elements for combining these diverse viewpoints involve the concepts of predictability and control of the environment.

Factors behind developmental change & the resistance to change are defined. The advantages & disadvantages of different types of change are compared. Change is defined as a transformation, a substitution of new ways of life for the prevailing old ones. Concern centers on what is to be changed, where, & how. Because change represents a move from the known to the unknown, there will be resistance to it. Uncertainty, detriment, & conservatism are considered the main factors underlying resistance to change. Change may be either comprehensive or partial. Advantages & disadvantages of each type of change are listed & compared. Change here is discussed on the assumption that the government of the country in question will take the greatest role in implementing change. Comprehensive change is more likely to be chosen in a state which has abundant material & human resources, a stable political structure, medium or better level of health & education standards, & an even-tempered population. Partial change is best suited to states which have poor resources, an unstable political base, low health & education standards, & an impatient & emotional people. Change may occur at different rates. Comprehensive change usually occurs rapidly while partial change occurs gradually. Immediate change is favored in countries where popular demands are urgent & there is a desire for rapid initiation of new programs. Gradual or incremental change is more appropriate to countries with inadequate resources which have relative political stability. Immediate comprehensive change is sought in such countries as the USSR where the government is very centralized. Gradual partial change is seen in countries with decentralized government & economy, ie, Pakistan & Turkey. Bureaucratic agencies involved in change may be either deliberative (eg, the parliament, party leadership, formal organizations, etc) or implementive (including such domestic agencies as public & private industries, such foreign agencies as UN bureaus, & private foreign enterprise). In most countries where change is required today, gradual partial change is probably the most effective means of implementation. Modified HA.

The article attempts to define the change ; explores the reasons behind the resistance to change; to analyse the typology, the advantages and disadvantages of comprehensive and partial changes, and the methodologies of its enforcement. Moreover, it shows that the state bureaucracy almost in all societies enjoys a leading role in planning, supervision, coordination and even in the execution of developmental change processes. It tresspasses all existing institutions, groups and individuals in power, organization, legal and financial weapons, freedom of choices and maneuverability.In searching for a convenient methodology of change in the developing societies; the article stresses that since these societies entirely differ in their material and human resources ; politica! stability ; standards ofhealth and education ; and above all in their mentality and emotional reactions, the determination of whichever change - immediate or incremental - to be followed, would certainly be out of question.However, incremental partial change may seem to be more practicable in the majority of these states.

Includes job schedules. ; Covers period December 1, 1975 - November 30, 1977. ; Mode of access: Internet.

Provides details for each individual institution under these departments. ; Covers period December 1, 1975-November 30, 1977. ; Mode of access: Internet.

ABSTRACTThe article provides a classification of the activities of the modern state, embracing 32 Western‐type nations from 1849. The first two sections of the paper elaborate a comprehensive conceptual framework for classifying activities as defining, mobilizing of physical resources, and providing social benefits. These three types of activities are shown to have developed sequentially in the order named. A mortmain proposition is tested and confirmed demonstrating that states tend not to abandon activities. A convergence proposition is tested and rejected; there is no common pattern of resource mobilization and social services in contemporary industrial nations. The concluding section considers the priorities of states when constrained by resource limitations. Priorities are examined in terms of effectiveness and efficiency; the likelihood of creating losers as well as beneficiaries; and the need to maintain defining activities as a sine qua non of the existence of the state.

Throughout the Cold War and after, Southeast Asian dictatorships lay somewhere between predatory and developmental states, posting high growth rates but with equally high costs. Rulers such as Sarit, Marcos, and Suharto were surrounded by networks of patrons and clients that went all the way to the village level. These regimes were as agnostic towards environmental effects of their modernization programmes as they were towards democracy, the rule of law, and the rights of their citizens. Even though economic growth improved the livelihoods of their populations, Southeast Asian countries were left with weak states, clientelist social structures, and severe environmental damage. A solution offered by activists and academics alike was the creation of decentralized, democratic systems where communities could have greater control over political power and natural resources. The 'Third Wave' of democratization in Southeast Asia, from 14 October, to EDSA, to Reformasi helped realize these hopes.

THIS ARTICLE IS A FOLLOW UP TO A PREVIOUSLY PUBLISHED PAPER WHICH OUTLINED THREE MODELS- THE EUROPEAN, THE IMPERIAL CHINESE, AND THE LATIN AMERICAN. EACH OF THESE DEVELOPMENTAL MODELS WILL AFFECT, IN ONE WAY OR ANOTHER, THE RELATION BETWEEN CONFLICT-FOCUSED REGIONAL SYSTEM OF POWER EQUILIBRIUM AND CO-OPERATION-CENTERED FUNCTIONAL REGIONALISM.