Suchergebnisse

"Das Vereinigte Königreich ist ein vielfältiger Staat. Devolution scheint dazu beigetragen zu haben, dass diese Vielfalt noch stärker verwurzelt ist als früher. Radikale Schritte sind weniger wahrscheinlich - solange nicht Spannungen entstehen, die durch eine unsensible Regierung in London heraufbeschworen werden." (Autorenreferat)

Executive SummaryBrexit creates deep challenges for the UK's structure of governance; not least concerning the degree and manner in which powers are devolved within one of the most centralised countries in the world. Departing from the EU is likely to exacerbate regional inequalities and possibly social divide, while at the same time leading to further centralisation of powers, at least in the short term. Most Brexit analysis looks at the reorientation of the UK's external relationships, but the most significant impact may be on its internal constitutional affairs.While it is generally agreed that the UK needs more devolution, there is little discussion about how and why it sometimes succeeds, but also sometimes falls short of expectations. Ever since Adam Smith it has been known that economic prosperity, justice, and social cooperation are mutually reinforcing. Therefore, policy must be built around community and a sense of belonging, rather than a collection of anonymous individuals. The Core Design Principles set out by Elinor Ostrom provide a framework to transform governance structure at every level from the smallest communities all the way to parliament.Necessary institutional changes include giving local authorities much greater control over revenue-raising powers and therefore the services they wish to support. National legislatures must have the power to borrow for investment without limit, but with sole responsibility for repayment, to enhance local political accountability. A statutory body should be established, including representatives of the devolved assemblies and English regions, to address regional disparities, and there should be a much stronger regional presence in decision-making by HM Treasury and the Bank of England.

Northern Ireland should not have received an invitation to the '10 years of devolution' celebration party! Power was devolved to the Northern Ireland Assembly and its Executive Committee of Ministers on Thursday 2nd December 1999 following the signing of the Belfast/Good Friday Agreement on 10th April 1998. Things went downhill quickly thereafter! The Blair Government saw devolution as a mechanism to advance the peace process by encouraging republicans and loyalists into an elected assembly and weaning them away from violence. The (then) Ulster Unionist Party leader agreed to share power with Sinn Féin on the condition that they decommissioned their weaponry. When this didn't happen, suspension of the devolved Assembly followed on 11th February 2000. This fitful process was to continue and devolution was suspended indefinitely for the fourth time by the (then) Secretary of State for Northern Ireland, John Reid, in October 2002 due to 'a lack of trust and loss of confidence on both sides of the community' precipitated, in part, by accusations made against Sinn Féin of intelligence gathering in Stormont - a charge vehemently denied by republicans.