Suchergebnisse

Publieksversie van proefschrift 'Reading beyond the female'. Driekwart van de grote literaire prijzen gaat naar mannelijke schrijvers. Van de 165 bestverkochte literaire werken werden er 25 geschreven door een vrouw. Het DWDD-boekenpanel koos slechts in 27% van de gevallen voor een vrouwelijke auteur. Maar vrouwen schrijven dan ook voornamelijk over de liefde en persoonlijke wissewasjes. Toch? Corina Koolen promoveerde op genderongelijkheid in de Nederlandse letteren. Uit haar onderzoek blijkt dat vrouwelijke auteurs doorgaans lager scoren op een schaal van literaire kwaliteit. Hoe kan dat? Zijn het de auteurs zelf? Ligt het aan hun schrijfstijl? Hebben de lezers vooroordelen, of zijn het toch de vermaledijde uitgevers en juryvoorzitters? Koolen belicht het onderwerp van alle kanten en zet uiteen hoe het kan dat er anno 2020 nog zo'n groot gat in literaire waardering bestaat

The Dutch parliamentary election studies for the years 1973-1986 reveal that differences between men & women in political participation have been reduced to a minimal level, but still persist. Two hypotheses regarding these differences -- that women are less involved in politics than men, & that women experience more problems when trying to become politically active -- are supported by the evidence. Differences are small or nonexistent for participation in unconventional activities, but substantially greater for conventional ones. Working outside the home significantly enhances the participation of women, but does not affect that of men. Differences within each sex appear larger than differences between the sexes. Politically active men & women are relatively more leftist, & politically active men are favorable to the women's movement & to women's emancipation. 14 Tables, 1 Figure, 1 Appendix, 39 References. Modified HA

An alternative approach to studying the relationship between the working class & authoritarianism is presented to overcome the difficulties found in the debate between C. P. Middendorp's & J. D. Meloen's "Over het autoritarisme van de arbeidersklasse" ([Working-Class Authoritarianism] Acta Politica, 1989, 24, 83-96) & P. Dekker's & P. Ester's "Klassepositie als determinant van autoritarisme; een reactie op Meloen en Middendorp" ([Class Position as a Determinant of Authoritarianism; A Response to Meloen and Middendorp] Acta Politica, 1989, 24, 97-104). Analysis of statistical data compiled in A. Felling, et al (Religion in Dutch Society 1985. Documentation of a National Survey on Religious and Secular Attitudes in 1985, Amsterdam: Steinmetz Archive, 1987), shows that it is not the working class, but rather small independent businessmen & farmers, who are the most authoritarian segments of the Dutch population. 4 Tables, 21 References. M. Meeks

Results of a survey of political candidates in the Nov 1991 elections in Flanders, Belgium, are used to investigate the role of gender differences in degree of political representation. It is noted that male (M) candidates have advantages in educational attainment, professional status, & domestic life. Ms are more likely to hold university degrees & positions of authority in the political party or corporate business. Females (Fs) are more often than Ms responsible for child care & domestic work. F political underrepresentation is a structural problem, despite gains in equality of the sexes over the last fifty years. A structural intervention by the government in guaranteeing gender-based equal opportunity is suggested. 9 Tables. Adapted from the source document.

This article compares the differences in salary costs & in productivity between Belgium & Portugal, serving as an EU benchmark for respectively high & low salary states, & those in the three major emerging markets, Poland, Hungary, & the Czech Republic, based on information of individual businesses. The study revealed that between 1995 & 2000 the salary costs in Belgium were seven times higher than in the three emerging markets, & four times higher than in Portugal. Also, there is a positive correlation between high salary costs & high productivity. Furthermore, there is no reason to relocate manufacturing of certain industries from high to low salary member states since certain industries generate high salary costs anywhere. In conclusion, there are indications that the evolution of the salary costs in proportion to productivity in Portugal has a limited negative effect on employment in Belgium, whereas salary costs in the NMS have no significant impact. 5 Tables, 11 References. A. Michaux

The relationship between Belgian 1988 municipal elections & socioeconomic characteristics of municipalities is analyzed using official election results. Findings show that: higher income has a negative effect on election results for Christian Democrats & Socialists, but a positive one for Liberals; a high number of residents dependent on welfare programs favor the Socialists, while university-educated voters favor the Greens; youth favor the Christian Democrats & the Greens, while urbanites favor the Socialists, Greens, & extremist right-wing Flemish party; the presence of North African immigrants positively corresponds with the Socialists & extreme right-wing party & negatively with the Greens; & participation by the extreme rightists leads to a decline in votes for the Socialists. 6 Tables. Adapted from the source document.

The right-wing PVV and the left-wing SP are seen as populist parties who are fierce ideological adversaries in the Dutch political spectrum. We study the similarities and differences in municipal contexts that explain their electoral success. Results of the 2010 national elections at the municipality level are analyzed for nearly all (N=403) Dutch municipalities. Hypotheses are formulated based on integrated group threat theory and relative deprivation theory. Results indicate similarities but also clear differences in the contexts in which SP and PVV thrive. PVV is more successful in municipalities with more immigrants and a higher average perception of unsafety, SP thrives more under local socioeconomic deprivation.

By means of a re-analysis of the most relevant data source -- the international social mobility & politics file -- this paper criticizes the newly grown consensus in political sociology that class voting has declined since World War II. An increase of crosscutting cultural voting, rooted in educational differences, rather than a decline of class voting proves responsible for the decline of the traditional class-party alignments. Moreover, income differences have not become less, but more consequential for voting behavior during this period. It is concluded that the new consensus has been built on quicksand. Class is not dead -- it has been buried alive under the increasing weight of cultural voting, systematically misinterpreted as a decline of class voting, due to the widespread application of the Alford index. Tables, Figures. Adapted from the source document.