Suchergebnisse

Tradicionalne i osnovne misije sveučilišta, nastava i istraživanje sve se više proširuju. Treća misija sveučilišta je višedimenzionalan koncept koji poprima široke razmjere na svjetskom nivou. Kao cilj rada postavlja se proučavanje osnovnih sličnosti i razlika u pristupima trećoj misiji sveučilišta kada je riječ o američkim u odnosu na europska sveučilišta. Kao polazna osnova za usporedbu uzima se činjenica da treća misija sveučilišta svoje porijeklo ima na američkom kontinentu dok se nastanak sveučilišta vezuje za Europu. Cilj rada je konkretiziran na sljedeće zadatke: ispitati utjecaj globalnih obrazovnih politika na pristupe trećoj misiji sveučilišta; ispitati razlike u načinu funkcioniranja europskih u odnosu na američka sveučilišta; objasniti obrazovne implikacije provedbe treće misije na europskim sveučilištima. Kao zaključak rada ističe se da je neophodno razumijevanje globalnih društveno-ekonomskih utjecaja na proces visokog obrazovanja kako bi se sveobuhvatnije pristupilo obrazovnim reformama i načinima njihovog sprovođenja. Također, s obzirom na sudjelovanje sve brojnijih interesnih grupa u okviru realizacije treće misije sveučilišta, neminovno je razvijanje stavova o vrijednostima i načelima treće misije kod svih onih koji su uključeni u proces visokog obrazovanja. ; The traditional and basic missions of the university, teaching and research are expanding. Terminology on the third mission of the university is gaining wide scope at the global level. The aim of this paper is to study basic similarities and differences in approach to the third mission of the university by comparing American to European universities. The starting point for comparing these approaches is the fact that the third mission of the university has its origins in the American continent, while the creation of the university is linked to Europe. The aim of this paper is to specify the following tasks: to examine the impact of global education policies on approaches to the third mission of the university; to examine the differences in ...

Svaki je povijesni grad turistička destinacija par excellence. To proizlazi iz definicija turizma i turista. Kao turistička destinacija, svaki povijesni grad svim turistima ne predstavlja isto. Cilj i svrha turistički usmjerenog razvoja nekog povijesnog grada mora se razlikovati od turističkog razvoja drugih turističkih destinacija. Često povijesno bogati gradovi privlače mnoge posjetitelje, ali se oni kratko zadržavaju. Ovo potiče neka ekonomska pitanja i dileme o tome kako pomiriti trošak očuvanja i održanja povijesnih spomenika s koristima od potrošnje turista koji dolaze i kratko borave u tim gradovima. Postavlja se i pitanje politike samog turističkog razvoja: što je potrebno dodati turističkoj ponudi kako bi se zadržalo posjetitelje dulje, a bez narušavanja sklada i ljepote povijesnog grada. Često je to pitanje suživota novog i starog na istome mjestu, pitanje etike, tradicije, kulture, arhitekture itd. kao i pitanje ekonomske prirode. Ovaj rad postavlja više pitanja nego što daje odgovora, ali također pokušava osvijetliti i problem s teoretske strane. ; Every single historical city is par excellence a tourism destination. This derives simply from the definition of tourism and of the tourist. As a tourist destination, every historical city does not carry the same meaning to all tourists. The aim and purpose of tourism oriented development of a historical city must be different from tourism development of other tourism destinations. Very often the cities with very rich history attract many visitors, but they do not stay in them long. This situation raises a number of economic questions and dilemmas of how to reconcile the costs of preserving and maintaining the historical monuments with the benefit of tourist consumption made by visitors who come and stay in such cities albeit just for a short time. This is a question of tourism development policy itself: how to expand a tourism offer in order to keep the visitors longer, without damaging the harmony and physical environment of historical cities. Very often it is the matter of old and modern coexisting at the same place, of ethics, tradition, culture, architecture etc., as well as of economic concerns. The paper raises more questions than it will give answers, but it attempts to highlight the problem from the theoretical side.

Migracije su fenomen koji se proteže kroz cijelu ljudsku povijest; one predstavljaju potrebu i nužnost. Brojni su push and pull uzročni faktori. Suvremene masovne migracije pretežno su obilježene premještanjem ljudi koji, u kombinaciji bijega od ratnih sukoba, disfunkcionalnih sustava upravljanja, klimatskih promjena i neimaštine, nastoje stići do sigurnijih i ekonomski razvijenih zemalja. Premda se većina trenutačne svjetske populacije migranata nalazi u državama Azije i Afrike, najveća pozornost posvećena je situacijama u kojima manje skupine pokušavaju dospjeti do država Europske unije, Australije ili primjerice SAD-a. Premda su ulazne migracije nužnost spomenutih zemalja, one nisu spremne za velike priljeve migranata, već navedeno žele projektirano odraditi kroz duže razdoblje. U tu svrhu razvijaju brojne politike, mjere i mehanizme, koji su predmet analize ovoga rada. Rad se posebno bavi kontekstom stvaranja i usporedbom migracijskih politika i postupaka Europske unije i Australije, njihovim sličnostima i razlikama. ; Migration is a phenomenon present throughout human history, as a need and a necessity. There are numerous push and pull factors which cause it. Modern mass migration is mostly marked as "relocating people who in combination with escape from war, dysfunctional management systems, climate change and poverty try to reach safer and economically developed countries". Although most of the current world population of migrants is located in countries of Asia and Africa, the greatest attention was paid to cases where small groups are trying to reach the European Union countries, Australia or the USA. Though in-migration is a necessity in these countries, they are not ready for large inflows of migrants and they want this process to unwind during a longer period of time. For this purpose, they develop a number of policies, measures and mechanisms, which are also the subject of analysis in this paper. This research is especially focused on the context of creation and comparison of the migration policy and procedures of the European Union and Australia, their similarities and differences.

U radu se razmatra odnos spolnog i jezičnog te njihov međusobni utjecaj unutar područja političke filozofije, lingvistike i teorije teksta, u pojedinim djelima Adriane Cavarero. Najprije se polazi od spoznaja poststrukturalističke teorije teksta, psihoanalitičkog feminizma i psiholingvistike, koje se potom proširuju rezultatima iz područja političke filozofije, s posebnim naglaskom na antičke tekstove. Analizom odabranih ulomaka Cavarerina opusa otvorit će se pitanje odnosa rodnog, spolnog i tekstualnog. Na temelju kritičkog čitanja Cavarerinih djela, teorijske literature i rezultata analize polaznih i ciljnih tekstova, donijet će se zaključak o utjecaju spolnosti na jezik i kulturu, odnosno o utjecaju jezika i kulturnih simbola na društvene i rodne uloge. ; The paper examines the relationship between the sexual and linguistic and their mutual influence within the fields of political philosophy, linguistics, and theory of text, in selection from Adriana Cavarero's work. First, we begin from the knowledge of poststructuralist text theory, psychoanalytic feminism and psycholinguistics, which are later expanded with the results from political philosophy with special emphasis on ancient texts. Cavarero's texts are being analysed to describe the features through which the relationship between gender, sex and text is established. Through a critical exploration of Cavarero's texts and previous theoretical discussions and the analysis results, a conclusion about the influence of the sexual on language and culture and the influence of language and cultural symbols on social and gender roles is reached.

Pri usporedbi demografskih procesa i promjena u zapadnoeuropskim zemljama i u Hrvatskoj često se u nas površno tvrdi da se radi o "identičnim procesima." Međutim, demografsko-statistička analitička usporedba pojedinih agregatnih i parcijalnih demografskih procesa u navedenim zemljama i u Hrvatskoj pokazuje da o identičnim procesima možemo govoriti samo kada je u pitanju dugoročni smjer promjene tih procesa, kao što je primjerice proces prirodne promjene stanovništva koji obilježava smanjivanje stopa nataliteta/ fertiliteta i proces starenja stanovništva koji obilježava porast staračkog stanovništva u ukupnom stanovništvu. Kod usporedbe mnogih drugih agregatnih i parcijalnih demografskih procesa u zapadnoeuropskim zemljama i u Hrvatskoj, napose kada je u pitanju srednjoročna i kratkoročna promjena, analiza pokazuje da se ne radi o identičnim procesima ni prema smjeru promjene, ni prema veličini, ni prema intenzitetu, ni prema strukturi promjene određenog demografskog procesa. U ovom ćemo radu nastojati te konstatacije potkrijepiti relevantnim podacima i pokazateljima za Hrvatsku i izabrane zapadnoeuropske zemlje. ; In this paper, main demographic processes and demographic balance in Croatia and in 18 Western European countries, mostly EU members, have been compared. The conclusion was that demographic processes in Croatia differed from the ones in the said Western European countries during previous two and a half decades. Among the analysed countries, Croatia was the only one with a permanent yearly decrease in the total population number during previous two and a half decades, while the analysed Western European countries have synchronously recorded a constant increase in the total population number. The analysis of the structure of the demographic balance of Croatia and the said countries shows – according to its basic components – a significantly different structure. In Croatia, above all, both summary components of the demographic balance are negative, so that the decrease in the total population number has been synchronously conditioned by natural population decrease and negative migration balance. However, this structure is different in the analysed Western European countries. It is evident that the increase in the total population number in these countries has been synchronously conditioned by positive migration balance and positive natural change, i.e. natural population increase. These aggregate and structural characteristics of the final result of demographic balance and its structures in Croatia and in the said countries have had an entirely different influence on future demographic movements and changes of the structures in Croatia and in the said countries: in Croatia, projections indicate that unfavourable demographic changes will become intensified in the future; while in Western European countries, they foresee a further increase in the total population number, in particular population capable for work, which is related to future positive structural demographic changes.

The post-communist NATO member states from Central and South-Eastern Europe (CSEE) comprise a group of 11 NATO/EU member states, from the Baltic to the Adriatic and Black Sea. The twelfth and thirteenth NATO member states from the region are Albania and Montenegro. The afore-mentioned NATO/EU member states have mostly shown a similar stance towards the Eastern Partnership Policy. However, since 2014, these states have shown more diverse stances, albeit declaratively supporting the anti-Russian sanctions. Due to the difference in stances towards Russia, the "New Cold Warriors" (Poland, Estonia, Latvia, Lithuania and Romania) and the "Pragmatics" (Hungary, Slovakia, Slovenia and Bulgaria), will maintain a mostly common course towards Russia and the Eastern Partnership states because they have to. The Czech Republic, although hosting a part of the US anti-ballistic missile shield, is not a genuine "New Cold Warrior", while in 2016 Croatia effectively became one. ; The post-communist NATO member states from Central and South-Eastern Europe (CSEE) comprise a group of 11 NATO/EU member states, from the Baltic to the Adriatic and Black Sea. The twelfth and thirteenth NATO member states from the region are Albania and Montenegro. The afore-mentioned NATO/EU member states have mostly shown a similar stance towards the Eastern Partnership Policy. However, since 2014, these states have shown more diverse stances, albeit declaratively supporting the anti-Russian sanctions. Due to the difference in stances towards Russia, the "New Cold Warriors" (Poland, Estonia, Latvia, Lithuania and Romania) and the "Pragmatics" (Hungary, Slovakia, Slovenia and Bulgaria), will maintain a mostly common course towards Russia and the Eastern Partnership states because they have to. The Czech Republic, although hosting a part of the US anti-ballistic missile shield, is not a genuine "New Cold Warrior", while in 2016 Croatia effectively became one.

The post-communist NATO member states from Central and South-Eastern Europe (CSEE) comprise a group of 11 NATO/EU member states, from the Baltic to the Adriatic and Black Sea. The twelfth and thirteenth NATO member states from the region are Albania and Montenegro. The afore-mentioned NATO/EU member states have mostly shown a similar stance towards the Eastern Partnership Policy. However, since 2014, these states have shown more diverse stances, albeit declaratively supporting the anti-Russian sanctions. Due to the difference in stances towards Russia, the "New Cold Warriors" (Poland, Estonia, Latvia, Lithuania and Romania) and the "Pragmatics" (Hungary, Slovakia, Slovenia and Bulgaria), will maintain a mostly common course towards Russia and the Eastern Partnership states because they have to. The Czech Republic, although hosting a part of the US anti-ballistic missile shield, is not a genuine "New Cold Warrior", while in 2016 Croatia effectively became one. ; The post-communist NATO member states from Central and South-Eastern Europe (CSEE) comprise a group of 11 NATO/EU member states, from the Baltic to the Adriatic and Black Sea. The twelfth and thirteenth NATO member states from the region are Albania and Montenegro. The afore-mentioned NATO/EU member states have mostly shown a similar stance towards the Eastern Partnership Policy. However, since 2014, these states have shown more diverse stances, albeit declaratively supporting the anti-Russian sanctions. Due to the difference in stances towards Russia, the "New Cold Warriors" (Poland, Estonia, Latvia, Lithuania and Romania) and the "Pragmatics" (Hungary, Slovakia, Slovenia and Bulgaria), will maintain a mostly common course towards Russia and the Eastern Partnership states because they have to. The Czech Republic, although hosting a part of the US anti-ballistic missile shield, is not a genuine "New Cold Warrior", while in 2016 Croatia effectively became one.

Two analyses have been carried out for the purpose of this study. The first refers to the analysis of the gender differences in the development of civil sense (understanding citizenship) & the practice of citizenship (practicing citizenship). The second refers primarily to the analysis of the variables of the "school experience" (the school climate or the perceived opportunity for an open classroom discussion, & the variables of the perceived tasks of classroom learning or education) & how they influence the expected voting behaviour of adults. The findings were compared to similar international comparative studies (the 2001 TEA study, C. Hahn's study of 1998). Our study has shown that the gender differences regarding the civil political sense & the culture among young people have been diminishing but have not fully disappeared, & that there are significant differences among individual countries in that respect. Our research has shown that there are significant gender differences in their understanding of citizenship; these differences are somewhat smaller for the variable of the practice of citizenship among high-school students. However, those differences are not particularly pronounced. It seems that it is no longer justified to talk about civil political culture as "male culture," though gender still creates marked differences but no longer solely in favour of men. We have not come to the end of the road leading to a balanced civil political culture yet, at least regarding gender. & secondly, our study has shown that the political education of students & the perceived tasks of political education in schools influence the expected adult voting behaviour. This confirms the thesis that the classroom political education is relevant, at least to a limited degree, for the key variables of civil sense & practice. 4 Tables, 6 References. Adapted from the source document.

The author looks into the structure & explanation of the socioeconomic expectations of young people regarding Croatia's future drawing on the theoretical framework & operational model of historical consciousness & on findings of a 1995 international study of 27 European countries & a replication of the study in Croatia in 2000. The findings show that the structure of such expectations may be explained by a universal factor of sociopolitical pessimistic/optimistic expectations of Croatia's future. This structure is in line with the expectations of young people from other European states concerning the future of their respective countries. Unlike in other European states, the Croatian youth in 1995 were optimistic in their socioeconomic assessments. The same conclusion was reached in 2000, the only exception being the pupils of Serbian extraction from the Danube region; this group represents the most pessimistic group at both levels of comparison. The perceptions of the present can account for 8%-20% of the variance of the variable of the expectations of young people. There is a significant decrease in the predictive power of the ethnic-religious value orientation, while the influence of attributing material differences to injustice in the society is constant. Concerning interethnic differences in the Danube region, it seems that the opposite expectations are partly due to the identical ideological ethnocentric pattern, indicative of the perpetuation of the attitudes generated during the disintegration of the former Yugoslavia. The notions of the past can explain 12%-13% of the variant of the criterion variable. In most samples, the best single predictor is the critical attitude toward democracy as a historical product, with the exception of the pupils of Serbian extraction in the Danube region; together with other predictors, this indicates that the expectations about Croatia's future of these youth are not based on the perception of democratic processes. Also, they reflect a lower level of confidence in the democratic institutions of the Republic of Croatia. 4 Tables, 2 Figures, 16 References. Adapted from the source document.

The central features of the political "profile" of European women at the beginning of this decade were a diminished interest in politics, infrequent inclusion of political topics in private conversations, & decreased willingness to adopt a political option. Compared to other European countries, Croatia projects an entirely different image: a pronounced interest of women in politics, very similar to that of men! This partly proves the "law" that a rise in level of education, working outside home, & middle age are the catalysts for women's desire to enter the world of politics. The transition, the war, & the "legacy" of socialist ideology account for this massive public interest in politics & the much lessened gender differences. 14 Tables, 5 References. Adapted from the source document.

The central features of the political "profile" of European women at the beginning of this decade were a diminished interest in politics, infrequent inclusion of political topics in private conversations, & decreased willingness to adopt a political option. Compared to other European countries, Croatia projects an entirely different image: a pronounced interest of women in politics, very similar to that of men! This partly proves the "law" that a rise in level of education, working outside home, & middle age are the catalysts for women's desire to enter the world of politics. The transition, the war, & the "legacy" of socialist ideology account for this massive public interest in politics & the much lessened gender differences. 14 Tables, 5 References. Adapted from the source document.