New Trends in Digital Diplomacy in the Time of COVID-19
In: International Affairs, Band 67, Heft 2, S. 35-40
In: International Affairs, Band 67, Heft 2, S. 35-40
In: International affairs, Band 78, Heft 2, S. 424-425
ISSN: 0020-5850
In: International journal / Canadian Institute of International Affairs, Band 56, Heft 3, S. 552
ISSN: 0020-7020
In: Political science quarterly: PSQ ; the journal public and international affairs, Band 117, Heft 2, S. 318
ISSN: 0032-3195
In: Political science quarterly: a nonpartisan journal devoted to the study and analysis of government, politics and international affairs ; PSQ, Band 117, Heft 2, S. 318-319
ISSN: 1538-165X
In: Policy & internet
ISSN: 1944-2866
In: Cambridge review of international affairs, Band 32, Heft 2, S. 93-131
ISSN: 1474-449X
In: Foreign affairs: an American quarterly review, Band 81, Heft 3, S. 165
ISSN: 2327-7793
In: International Journal, Band 56, Heft 3, S. 552
In: Global affairs, Band 2, Heft 3, S. 321-330
ISSN: 2334-0479
In: The Hague journal of diplomacy, Band 16, Heft 4, S. 391-420
ISSN: 1871-191X
Summary
This article uses qualitative content analysis to understand how the International Criminal Court (ICC) uses Twitter by building on digital diplomacy literature to assess the different narratives promoted by the ICC online. I find that the ICC is actively creating narratives that position it as part of a unified global fight for justice with wide political support from states and other international organisations. This kind of public diplomacy is unique among criminal courts, with tweets aimed at bolstering political support from both elite diplomats and non-elite lay publics. At the same time, however, this rebranding effort often oversteps the ICC's limited jurisdiction, reducing complex legal topics to short, emotionally resonant phrases that fit within Twitter's restricted format. While the Court still attempts to portray its work as politically neutral and objective, the diplomatic messaging of its Twitter account sends a different message about the Court's social media agenda.
While e-diplomacy is gaining momentum, there are certain factors that are hampering its implementation by governments, and by foreign ministries in particular. Uthayasankar Sivarajah and Vishanth Weerakkody examine these factors and argue that diplomats need to embrace digital diplomacy now if they are to reap its benefits.
BASE
In: European journal of politics and gender, Band 5, Heft 3, S. 303-321
ISSN: 2515-1096
This article interrogates the digital storytelling of Sweden's feminist foreign policy. Drawing on scholarship on state feminism and digital diplomacy, it shows how digital platforms offer opportunities to reproduce narratives of state feminism through storytelling. We propose that digital diplomacy is used to advance feminist foreign policy through emotional sense-making that requires the telling of personal stories. The article provides a narrative analysis of the stories of women and girls that symbolise and embody feminist foreign policy, and the way in which they are communicated by the Swedish Ministry for Foreign Affairs. The article concludes by noting that the digital storytelling of feminist foreign policy allows the Ministry for Foreign Affairs to communicate to a wider digital audience. These stories, however, run the risk of obscuring the feminist ambitions of feminist foreign policy by insufficiently considering the gendered injustices that undergird the global gender order and by bringing together seemingly incompatible stories of feminist exceptionalism and success.
In: Media, war & conflict, Band 12, Heft 1, S. 87-101
ISSN: 1750-6360
NATO's public diplomacy plays an important role in constituting the alliance's identity in global politics, yet has remained marginal to many scholarly accounts of the alliance. This article considers NATO's increasing footprint in digital diplomacy and the role of gendered narratives in shaping it. The central point of analysis is NATO's 'story of Afghanistan', told in the web-documentary Return to Hope, which was released to much acclaim in September 2014 to coincide with the drawdown of the NATO-led International Security Assistance Force (ISAF) from Afghanistan. It finds personal narratives given precedence over historical events, key temporal omissions and the silencing of Afghan women. As such, it provides an important critique of the masculinist protection logic underpinning NATO's efforts, which has served to instrumentalize (Afghan) women and falls short of expectations given the alliance's commitment to UN Security Council Resolution 1325 and the Women, Peace and Security agenda.