Suchergebnisse

The development of the information society has initiated the need for creating new instruments with the help of which the authorities can reach out to citizens. Therefore, cyberspace has recently become a place of activity of a number of entities including state and international organizations (together with the European Union). The result of this phenomenon is the creation of the so-called digital diplomacy as new quality in the so-called diplomacy of the EU. The EU diplomacy currently uses a number of e-tools, among others, Facebook, MySpace, Daily Motion, YouTube, etc. These tools are a very good method to improve and warm up the image of the Union in the international arena. This kind of diplomacy was only formed at the beginning of the twenty-first century and has a great prospect of development, thus, it is worth considering in which direction its evolution should follow. Digital diplomacy is a de facto response to the problem of the EU communication with the outside world and the growing number of Internet users.

Summary
This article uses qualitative content analysis to understand how the International Criminal Court (ICC) uses Twitter by building on digital diplomacy literature to assess the different narratives promoted by the ICC online. I find that the ICC is actively creating narratives that position it as part of a unified global fight for justice with wide political support from states and other international organisations. This kind of public diplomacy is unique among criminal courts, with tweets aimed at bolstering political support from both elite diplomats and non-elite lay publics. At the same time, however, this rebranding effort often oversteps the ICC's limited jurisdiction, reducing complex legal topics to short, emotionally resonant phrases that fit within Twitter's restricted format. While the Court still attempts to portray its work as politically neutral and objective, the diplomatic messaging of its Twitter account sends a different message about the Court's social media agenda.

The European Union has historically sought to project outwards its identity, values and raison d'être during times of uncertainty and crisis. One of the core values stated to be at the heart of the European Union's identity is gender equality. Yet, while gender equality features more visibly in the European Union's external discourse as it seeks to position itself as a global leader in equality and human rights, the internal challenge posed by crisis presents a real obstacle to future developments in this area. This article examines digital diplomacy, specifically Twitter presence, as a discursive site for constituting meaning. We thus take the digital space afforded by Twitter as a site where the European Union's internal and external identity is constructed in a process of articulation and contestation. Digital diplomacy is now a salient part of public diplomacy, increasingly prioritised over 'traditional' approaches. Using data gathered from Twitter on the European Union's 60th anniversary and International Women's Day in 2017, this article provides the first in-depth study of the European Union's approach to digital diplomacy. We find the marginalisation of gender issues from the European Union's core narratives bringing into question the place of gender equality as a core value of the European Union.

AbstractAn important debate on the impact of digitization on diplomatic practice is currently taking place in most of the world's diplomatic services and beyond. Western perspectives do however dominate writings on the subject and there is scope for importing new theoretical notions into these discussions. This article on digital diplomacy aims to show that South Korea's practices harmonize well with insights from new media theory, and that both inform this debate. New media theory advocates the examination of the new digital environment in which diplomatic interactions are unfolding, and it articulates the politics behind digital technology. We argue that existing, 'analogue' diplomacy is not merely superimposed onto technologies now shaping an environment that is facilitating digitally native practices. The debate on digital diplomacy can equally benefit from analysis of the experiences of South Korea. Technological development and innovation impact on the sphere of foreign policy, to the extent that 'becoming technological' has turned into an important Korean export asset. We briefly review four ways in which South Korea applied technology to diplomacy. Our analysis concludes with general recommendations for diplomatic practitioners across the world, particularly those who still look at new technologies, including social media, as mere open and freely available 'services'.

NATO's public diplomacy plays an important role in constituting the alliance's identity in global politics, yet has remained marginal to many scholarly accounts of the alliance. This article considers NATO's increasing footprint in digital diplomacy and the role of gendered narratives in shaping it. The central point of analysis is NATO's 'story of Afghanistan', told in the web-documentary Return to Hope, which was released to much acclaim in September 2014 to coincide with the drawdown of the NATO-led International Security Assistance Force (ISAF) from Afghanistan. It finds personal narratives given precedence over historical events, key temporal omissions and the silencing of Afghan women. As such, it provides an important critique of the masculinist protection logic underpinning NATO's efforts, which has served to instrumentalize (Afghan) women and falls short of expectations given the alliance's commitment to UN Security Council Resolution 1325 and the Women, Peace and Security agenda.

Republic of Korea (ROK) shifted its policy focus toward ASEAN through the New Southern Policy (NSP). As the core foreign policy to its southern neighbors, the NSP is envisioned to 'elevate' ASEAN status. The partnership has been backed by institutional and bureaucratic transformation to sustain the policy. Accordingly, ROK tapped on its digital resources to support this diplomatic engagement. Digital diplomacy, therefore, is an important strategy to engage the ASEAN public. However, does ROK's digital primacy is translated well to support NSP's digital diplomacy? This paper utilizes empirical explorative qualitative primary data collection of ROK's government tweets on two levels of analysis; towards domestic and foreign audiences. The finding confirms that domestic engagement is better. However, further scrutiny shows that within domestic narratives NSP is mainly used as a political tool. Meanwhile, on external engagement, this paper argues for ROK's digital diplomacy deficit toward ASEAN. Not only does ROK's digital diplomacy strategy lack uniformity, but it also fails to create conversation about NSP. Keywords : ASEAN, Republic of Korea, New Southern Policy, Digital Diplomacy, Twitter ; Republik Korea (ROK) mengalihkan fokus kebijakannya ke arah ASEAN melalui New Southern Policy (NSP). Sebagai kebijakan luar negeri utama di batas Selatan, NSP diharapkan dapat 'meningkatkan' status ASEAN. Kemitraan ini ditopang oleh transformasi kelembagaan dan birokrasi sebagai upaya untuk mempertahankan keberlanjutannya. Sejalan dengan upaya tersebut, ROK memanfaatkan sumber daya digitalnya untuk mendukung diplomasi ini. Diplomasi digital merupakan strategi penting terhadap publik ASEAN. Namun, apakah keunggulan ini diterjemahkan dengan baik dalam mendukung diplomasi digital dari NSP? Makalah ini menggunakan teknik pengumpulan data primer kualitatif yang bersifat eksploratif empiris dengan mengidentifikasikan tweet pemerintah ROK di dua tingkat analisis; domestik dan luar negeri. Makalah ini menyimpulkan bahwa keterlibatan ...

Introduction. The article is devoted to contemporary digital diplomacy, which is implemented within the framework of social networks. Unlike traditional diplomacy digital one operates in a different communicative space where blogs, electronic media and global social networks are the key communication channels. Using these tools allows digital diplomacy actors to influence events and communities in other countries. Methods and materials. Method of mixing qualitative and quantitative data, hashtag-analysis, comparative analysis of the social networks' messages and accounts were able to understand the dynamics and interactions in social networks, engagement and possibilities of institutional and private actors in digital diplomacy. Analysis. In the 2000s foreign policy and public diplomacy began forming based on data on the mood of users of social networks and their preferences in politics. Thanks to this, digital diplomacy may well become one of the innovative tools for resolving modern global problems. Digital diplomacy, as a new method and the tool for implementing foreign policy, contributes to the effective functioning of departments and ministries of foreign affairs, their response to the needs of citizens, to emerging challenges and threats to state security, like a global epidemic or natural disasters. Using digital tools, it is possible to shape the norms of communication, interaction and decision-making by which diplomats perform their work, modifying the diplomatic process. Besides this digital diplomacy increases the attractiveness of the state in the eyes of the world community. Results. Based on a comparative analysis study of the content of social networks, it could be concluded that over almost a decade, from the 2010s to the 2020s, digital diplomacy has developed from a "soft power" mechanism to a method of information warfare and propaganda which involves artificial intelligence tools and big data. But this is predominantly characteristic of technologically developed countries. It is possible to conclude about future co-existence of traditional and digital diplomacies in a new hybrid variety. Authors' contribution. In this article Liudmila M. Reshetnikova has contributed Introduction, Research Methods, Analysis and Results sections: identified risks and threats to digital diplomacy, analyzed the development of the soft power methods, identified features and tools of digital diplomacy. Irina M. Samokhina has contributed Analysis and Results sections: analyzed social networks and digital infrastructure for digital diplomacy and diplomatic activity, contemporary computer tools for learning about social networks.

Summary
This study looks at how digital technologies disrupted signalling and signal cost calculations in public diplomacy within the context of Covid-19. The pandemic presented a noteworthy opportunity to observe how countries attempt to navigate a relatively unknown communication landscape as a result of external shock and a crisis for states' images and reputations. We position the communicative outcomes of the pandemic as an exploratory case to discuss how countries use social media to engage with target audiences. We study American and Chinese messaging on Twitter about Covid-19 employing an analytical model of signal cost developed from signalling theory. Using a data set of 1,512 tweets coming from nine different American and Chinese accounts, we investigated their signal cost through content and network analyses. Our findings describe and operationalise signal cost in digital public diplomacy through signaller, signal content and outreach.