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In the 1970s and '80s residents and architects in Amsterdam worked together to shape the renewal of their neighbourhood. Working outside traditional planning constraints they initiated a process for designing 'neighbourhood plans' that gave priority to affordable housing and minimized disruption to the existing social and urban design structure. Although these neighbourhood plans stood in stark contrast to prevailing political and urban planning ideas, they formed the basis on which urban renewal was realized from the middle of the 1970s. While the focus in the historiography of urban renewal is usually on politics and policy, this article provides insight into the design process itself and the ideas behind urban renewal architecture based on numerous consultation documents generated by the collaboration between local residents and architects. The Dapperbuurt area serves as an exemplary case study. The example of the Dapperbuurt shows that locals and architects formed energetic and effective coalitions. After the residents of the Dapperbuurt had won far-reaching control over the design process, including a say in the choice of architect, they entered into a collaboration with the architects Hans Borkent, Rob Blom van Assendelft and Hein de Haan. During the extensive consultation process the architects acted as equal discussion partners rather than all-knowing experts, while local residents provided creativity and spontaneous initiatives and had the final say. Together they designed with 'direct democracy'. In this article those collaborative arrangements are referred to as 'creative housing coalitions'. This term expresses both their main aim and their greatest strength. It also shows who initiated the urban renewal housing projects and how grass-roots initiatives were ultimately translated into policy. In the course of the design process, local residents and their architects sought creative ways of reconciling the apparent antithesis between the historically evolved city and modern architecture and urban design. Instead of taking a blank slate as their starting point, they proceeded on the basis of the qualities of the existing environment and the interests and wishes of the residents. This resulted in the retention of the existing morphology and functional diversity. However, the housing projects were on a much larger scale than the individual buildings that had previously made up the neighbourhood, because while the local residents were unwilling to give up their familiar living environment, they did want modern home comforts. This study has revealed that the replacement construction was required to combine the best of both worlds. In order to suggest a smaller scale, the external walls were vertically articulated, and their height demarcated by means of balconies, bay windows, hoisting beams, eaves and staggered building lines. So both contrast to and compatibility with the context are relevant criteria for evaluating urban renewal architecture. In addition, it turns out that a key merit of this urban renewal was its function, namely to deliver affordable and comfortable housing on centrally located sites with high land values. The architecture gives expression to that function. ; In de jaren zeventig en tachtig gaven in Amsterdam bewoners en architecten samen vorm aan de vernieuwing van hun buurt. Buiten de reguliere kaders om initieerden zij een proces voor het ontwerpen van zogenaamde 'buurtplannen', waarin prioriteit werd gegeven aan betaalbaar wonen en zo min mogelijk verstoring van de bestaande sociale en stedenbouwkundige structuur. Hoewel deze buurtplannen in schril contrast stonden met de heersende politieke en stedenbouwkundige opvattingen, vormden ze de basis waarop de stadsvernieuwing vanaf midden jaren zeventig werd gerealiseerd. In de historiografie van de stadsvernieuwing ligt de focus op politiek en beleid. Dit artikel geeft daarentegen inzicht in het ontwerpproces en de ideeën achter de stadsvernieuwingsarchitectuur aan de hand van velerlei overlegdocumenten die voortkwamen uit de samenwerking tussen buurtbewoners en architecten. Hierbij dient de Dapperbuurt als exemplarische casestudy.Het voorbeeld van de Dapperbuurt laat zien dat buurtbewoners en architecten daadkrachtige coalities vormden. Nadat bewoners van de Dapperbuurt verregaande controle op het ontwerpproces hadden bevochten, inclusief zeggenschap over de architectenkeuze, gingen zij een samenwerking aan met de architecten Hans Borkent, Rob Blom van Assendelft en Hein de Haan. Deze stelden zich in uitgebreide inspraakprocedures op als gelijkwaardige gesprekspartners in plaats van alwetende experts, terwijl buurtbewoners zorgden voor creativiteit en spontane initiatieven en een doorslaggevende stem hadden. Gezamenlijk ontwierpen zij met 'direkte demokratie'. Deze samenwerkingsverbanden worden in dit artikel geduid als creatieve wooncoalities. Dit idee geeft zowel uitdrukking aan hun belangrijkste doelstelling als aan hun grootste kracht. Daarnaast laat het zien wie de woningbouwprojecten van de stadsvernieuwing initieerden en hoe burgerinitiatieven uiteindelijk werden omgezet in beleid. In het ontwerpproces zochten de Dapperbuurters en hun architecten naar creatieve oplossingen om de schijnbare tegenstelling tussen de historisch gegroeide stad en moderne architectuur en stedenbouw te overbruggen. In plaats van een blanco blad als uitgangspunt te nemen, gingen ze uit van de kwaliteiten van de bestaande omgeving en de belangen en wensen van de bewoners. Dit resulteerde in behoud van de bestaande morfologie en functiemenging. De woningbouwprojecten kregen echter een beduidend grotere schaal dan de individuele panden waaruit de buurt tot dan toe bestond, omdat de buurtbewoners hun vertrouwde leefomgeving niet wilden opgeven maar wel behoefte hadden aan modern wooncomfort. Uit dit onderzoek blijkt dat de nieuwbouw het beste van beide moest combineren. Om toch de suggestie van kleinschaligheid te wekken, werden de gevelwanden verticaal geleed en in hoogte afgebakend door middel van balkons, erkers, hijsbalken, dakoverstekken en verspringende rooilijnen. Zowel contrast met als aansluiting op de context zijn aldus relevante criteria voor de waardering van de stadsvernieuwingsarchitectuur. Bovendien blijkt dat een wezenlijke waarde van de stadsvernieuwing haar functie is, namelijk betaalbaar en comfortabel wonen op centrale locaties met hoge grondwaarden. De architectuur geeft uitdrukking aan die functie.

Switzerland's attitude toward the EEC is typical of the new foreign policy adopted by that country in 1947 under the heading "Neutrality & Solidarity." A number of centrifugal factors (the EEC is regarded as the center or the pole of attraction) have kept Switzerland out of the EEC although many other factors--economic & commerical, in particular, but also ideological, cultural, political, & geographic--tend toward closer ties with the EEC & have acted as "centripetal" forces. The main "centrifugal" factors were: Swiss neutrality, the federal system, & direct democracy, such economic elements as the fiscal & agricultural systems & especially psychological factors including attitudes & ideas concerning the EEC & the consequences of membership. Fear of bureaucratization & fear of infringement on individual liberties are greater stumbling-blocks than economic & political factors. Timely corrections & adaptations in the international commercial field (EFTA membership, advantages gained from the Kennedy Round, the 1972 Free Trade agreement with the enlarged EEC) have reduced the necessity to seek a closer relationship with the Community, Only drastic economic, social, & political changes in the evolution of the EEC or of Switzerland itself could bring about fundamental changes in the relationship between Switzerland & the EEC. Modified HA.

This article provides an overview and a broad comparison of the development of party membership in European democracies and discusses the implications of the decline in party membership for our understanding of party organization and party democracy. Our study provides an update of reporting by Mair and Van Rush (2001), which followed the study of Katz, Mair et al. (1992). The analysis covers the period from the late 1980s until the end of the first decade of the twenty-first century. The number of countries that is included is expanded (to 27), so our study now includes almost all European democracies, including the long-established democracies in Western Europe, the more recent democracies in Southern Europe as well as post-communist Central and Eastern Europe. The data we present are based on direct, individual membership figures as reported by the parties (in the article we show, moreover, that there is a strong correlation with the data come from survey research exists, however disadvantage of the survey data is that this level of party membership systematically overestimate). We analyze both the level of party membership expressed in raw numbers (M) and the party membership as a percentage of the electorate (M / E), an indicator that is more suitable for transnational comparisons. Adapted from the source document.

Recent trends in election campaigns in Belgium & the Netherlands are compared from both political & historical perspective; it is stressed that primary reference is made to Flanders, & only occasionally to Wallonia, when the political landscape of Belgium is discussed. Developments since the 1960s in both countries are examined, identifying similarities & differences across the following areas: (1) the consociational democracy of Belgium & the Netherlands & its erosion with the formation of new political parties, growing polarization, & negative campaigning, (2) the election system & rules; the structure of parliamentary democracy in the two countries & its reflection in election campaigns; the voter's choices & influence on the composition of both houses of the parliament & the office of prime minister, (3) the content & form of election campaigns; campaign financing, presence in the traditional & new media; free TV time, (4) what is the campaign about & for whom is the vote cast? the principal role played by the party's first candidate on the list, (5) the election rules of the prime minister & new government formation; the role of party leadership. It is concluded that Belgium & the Netherlands still share some characteristics of consensus democracies, however, developments since the 1960s, in particular the growing division between the Flemish & French-speaking regions of Belgium, led to significant institutional changes in the latter country's election campaigns & its citizen's declining interest in this political process on both federal & regional levels. Election campaigns in the Netherlands seem to be more concrete & relevant to the voter. However, both countries suffer from voters' losing direct control over who is elected & over the composition of their future government. Z. Dubiel