Suchergebnisse

Não há evidência clara de como o ambiente democrático afeta os resultados sobre corrupção a partir da transparência fiscal. Este estudo objetiva verificar a influência do fator democracia nos resultados de combate à corrupção a partir da perspectiva da transparência fiscal. A revisão de literatura sobre governança pública focou sobre os temas transparência fiscal, instituições democráticas e percepção da corrupção. Sobre os aspectos metodológicos, a pesquisa é ex-post-facto, baseada em regressão multivariada de dados em painel de 110 países com 6 anos e 524 observações. Conclui-se que, conforme a condição democrática de um país, a transparência fiscal pode impactar de maneira diferente o resultado da percepção da corrupção. Nos países não democráticos praticamente não se nota alteração do grau de percepção da corrupção mesmo com as mudanças do nível de transparência. Por outro lado, nos países democráticos apresentam variações diretamente proporcionais, significativas e com alto grau de explicação entre as variáveis transparência fiscal e percepção da corrupção. ; There is no clear evidence of how the democratic environment affects corruption based on fiscal transparency. This study aims to verify the influence of the democracy factor in combating corruption from a fiscal transparency perspective. The literature review on public governance focused on fiscal transparency, democratic institutions, and perception of corruption. Regarding the methodological aspects, the research is ex-post-facto, based on multivariate regression of data in a panel of 110 countries with six years and 524 observations. It is concluded that, according to the democratic condition of a country, fiscal transparency can have a different impact on the result of perceived corruption. In non-democratic countries, there is practically no change in perceived corruption level, even with changes in the level of transparency. On the other hand, there are significant direct, proportional variations in democratic countries and a high degree of explanation between the fiscal transparency and perception of corruption variables.

O artigo apresenta reflexões teóricas sobre a produção e organização do espaço sob a influência do Estado. O espaço é entendido como o ambiente que sustenta as relações sociais ao mesmo tempo em que é modificado por elas, sendo compreendido como paisagem cultural. Por meio do sistema de regulação urbanística, o Estado intervém na produção e na organização da paisagem. O objetivo do artigo é discutir fundamentos para a construção da gestão democrática dos municípios brasileiros com o intuito de concretizar a noção de direito à cidade. A discussão é feita mediante pesquisa teórica que articula a formação da urbanística moderna, sua vinculação com a ciência moderna e sua ruptura com a política. A (re)vinculação da urbanística com a política, chave para a concretização do direito à cidade, pressupõe estruturas de gestão democrática. Essas estruturas necessitam de aberturas para a democracia direta, essa, exercida por meio da construção e reconstrução de verdades mediante o diálogo, pressupõe um Estado que provê os mínimos sociais para a redução das desigualdades das estruturas de poder e para a superação da distinção entre as atividades de planejamento e gestão. ; The article presents theoretical reflections on the production and organization of space under the influence of the State. Space is understood as the environment that sustains social relations while being modified by them, being understood as a cultural landscape. Through the urban regulation system, the State influences the production and organization of the landscape. The purpose of this paper is to discuss the foundations for the construction of the democratic management of brazilian cities in order to realize the notion of the right to the city. The discussion is made through theoretical research that articulates the formation of modern town-planning, its link with modern science and its rupture with politics. The (re) linking of town-planning with politics, key to the realization of the right to the city, presupposes democratic management structures. These structures need openings for direct democracy, which, exercised through the construction and reconstruction of truths through dialogue, presupposes a State that provides the social minimums to reduce inequalities in power structures and to overcome the distinction between planning and management activities.

The direct or indirect use of the democratic peace thesis with power transition theory and the preeminent rise of China among emergent powers led to a systematic disregard of the role of rising democracies in the upcoming international order. This article studies India's case and concludes that rising democracies also challenge the current normative basis of states' relations, in a different way than autocracies. New Delhi's foreign policy in recent years suggests that the theoretical tools are not fully adequate to address these cases. Adapted from the source document.

We will use the Fanon's concept of society without mediations, based on structural racism, to explain the regressive tendency proper to societies of peripheric modernization, especially Brazil. From a criticism to Gilberto Freyre and Florestan Fernandes, who both assume a notion of ne-cessitarian sociological objectivism with an apolitical-depoliticized character in order to under-stand the development and the contradictions of current Brazilian society (Freyre's sadism-masochism; Fernandes' idea of Black incapability to protestant ethics due to slavery), both re-fusing structural racism and racial whitening, we will point exactly to (a) the systemic evolution as a White's or colonizer's intentioned and planified political project over the Black/colonized, which is, according us, the effective practical core and role of the formation and development of the colonial society; (b) the inexistence or the fragility of juridical, institutional and normative mediations between these divided and ossified realities of race (Whites over/against Blacks); (c) the direct violence and the permanent regression as the structural tendencies of the constitution and development of a society of peripheric and racialized modernization, including here the eras-ing and falsification of colonial history; and, finally, (d) the intrinsic correlation, once denied by Freyre and Fernandes, and on the contrary affirmed by Fanon, of race and class, race as class, class as race.

This article presents the perspective of Karl Marx and Friedrich Engels on the concept of the State. It is divided into three parts, the first addressing the emergence of the State as a result of the expropriation of the means of production suffered by direct producers, giving rise to private property with the State; the first section also addresses the State in slave and feudal society. The second section explains the functions of the bourgeois state, that is, the attributions of the State which, situated in the capitalist mode of production, represents the wishes of the ruling class; as well as, it points to the illusory form of democracy in the bourgeois State, that limits itself to reforming and does not envisage overcoming it. Finally, the third section treat with the State under the control of the working class, that is, in the period of transition to classless society, and the consequent dissolution of the State after the firmament of this society free from exploiters and exploited.

The paper aims to unveil the real motivation for the reinsertion of traditional authorities in Mozambican governance, in fact, in the close past, government authorities had banned these authorities, for they were considered obscurantists, retrograde and collaborators of the colonial oppressive regime. With the introduction of democracy in Mozambique, traditional authorities were reinserted into governance. However, the referred reinsertion is characterized by advances and setbacks, verified from approvals, revocations and ambiguity of legal instruments on the matter. This attitude shows that behind the reinsertion of traditional authorities in governance, there are camouflages. In fact, government authorities rely on these authorities during election periods, due to their mobilizing role in their communities. For the materialization of the research, the bibliographic method was applied, where several legal norms and bibliographic works of national and international academics were consulted and also direct observation of the facts in everyday life was made. ; Su objetivo es revelar la motivación para la reintegración de las autoridades tradicionales en la gobernanza de Mozambique, por cierto, en un pasado no muy lejano, estas autoridades habían sido prohibidas por las autoridades gubernamentales, fueron consideradas oscurantistas, atrasadas y colaboradores del opresivo régimen colonial. Con la introducción de la democracia en Mozambique, fueron reinsertados en la gobernabilidad. Sin embargo, la reinserción antes mencionada se caracteriza por avances y retrocesos, verificado a partir de aprobaciones, revocaciones y ambigüedades de instrumentos legales en la materia. Esta actitud evidencia que detrás de la reinserción de las autoridades tradicionales en la gobernanza hay camuflajes. De hecho, las autoridades gubernamentales están vinculadas a estas autoridades durante los períodos electorales, por su papel movilizador en sus comunidades. Para la materialización de la investigación se aplicó el método bibliográfico, ...

Democracy in Brazil is recent and poses challenges to citizens in terms of political positioning, especially in the 2018 presidential elections, which were characterized by polarization, the spread of fake news and the use of social media to promote the candidates' agenda. In this context, we aim at analysing the discursive resources of pre-candidates to the 2018 Brazilian presidential elections. The Critical Discourse Analysis (FAIRCLOUGH, 2003) and Systemic Functional Linguistics (HALLIDAY, 2014) approaches were used to analyse the transcription of excerpts of six interviews from the Roda Viva TV show. The results point out that the discourse of: a) Álvaro Dias shows a pre-candidate willing to invest in education financially; b) Ciro Gomes constructs the image of experience and authority in the field of education; c) Henrique Meirelles emphasizes the relation between education and workforce development; d) Manuela D'Ávila supports the states and municipalities autonomy in their capacity to manage education locally and is aligned with women's experience as mothers, workers and citizens; e) Geraldo Alckmin will direct efforts to kindergarten education, aiming at reducing inequality; f) Jair Bolsonaro advocates eliminating the low-income and minorities quotas in public universities by investing in Basic Education in order to provide equal access to all students when they finish high school. ; A democracia no Brasil é recente e coloca desafios aos cidadãos em termos de posicionamento político, especialmente nas eleições presidenciais de 2018, que foram caracterizadas por polarização, disseminação de boatos e uso de redes sociais para promover as propostas dos candidatos. Nesse contexto, objetivamos analisar os recursos discursivos de pré-candidatos às eleições presidenciais do Brasil em 2018. A Análise Crítica do Discurso (FAIRCLOUGH, 2003) e a Linguística Sistêmico-Funcional (HALLIDAY, 2014) são utilizadas para análise da transcrição de excertos de seis entrevistas do Programa Roda Viva. Os resultados apontam que o discurso de: a) Álvaro Dias mostra um pré-candidato disposto a investir financeiramente na educação; b) Ciro Gomes constrói a imagem da experiência e autoridade no campo educacional; c) Henrique Meirelles enfatiza a relação entre educação e desenvolvimento de força de trabalho; d) Manuela D'Ávila apoia a autonomia dos estados e municípios para administrar localmente a educação e está alinhado à experiência das mulheres como mães, trabalhadoras e cidadãs; e) Geraldo Alckmin irá direcionar esforços para a educação infantil para diminuir a desigualdade; f) Jair Bolsonaro é favorável à eliminação das cotas no ensino superior por meio de investimentos na Educação Básica para proporcionar condições de acesso igualitárias a todos.PALAVRAS-CHAVE: Educação; Discurso político; Eleições presidenciais de 2018.

A Atenção Psicossocial, modelo de atenção em saúde mental vigente no Brasil, tem como princípios a democratização, participação social, envolvimento, co-responsabilização, acolhimento, escuta polifônica e transversalidade. Vincula saúde mental à cidadania e qualidade de vida, visando à promoção da reabilitação psicossocial, protagonismo e autonomia dos usuários. O profissional é caracterizado como cuidador e tem como principal instrumento de trabalho sua própria pessoa, mediante contato direto e prolongado com usuários e equipe. O trabalho em saúde mental engendra um tipo particular de vulnerabilidade, em função do constante envolvimento afetivo com a clientela e outros profissionais, demandando recursos afetivos, posturas profissionais, habilidades e competências que ultrapassam os limites do conhecimento formal. Em função destes aspectos, diversos estudos apontam a natureza e organização do trabalho em saúde mental como geradoras de sobrecarga e estresse para profissionais. Este estudo teve por objetivo identificar as temáticas emergentes em um processo de intervenção realizado com profissionais das equipes de dois Centros de Atenção Psicossocial - CAPS de uma cidade do norte do Paraná, Brasil. Foram realizados 10 encontros semanais do grupo de cuidado direcionado à equipe de saúde mental, nos quais se desenvolveram atividades vivenciais, seguidas de discussão em grupo. A análise qualitativa dos diários de campo permitiu a identificação de três núcleos temáticos: "O cuidado de si: assumindo responsabilidade na redução da vulnerabilidade", "Da posição individualista ao projeto coletivo" e "Ressignificando o trabalho em equipe". Conclui-se que a intervenção promoveu reflexões importantes sobre questões do cotidiano assistencial, que repercutiram nas práticas profissionais dos participantes, evidenciando as potencialidades do grupo como uma estratégia de desenvolvimento profissional na área de saúde mental. ; The psychosocial care, the mental health care model applied in Brazil nowadays, has the following principles: democracy, social participation, involvement and shared responsibility, acceptance, listening and polyphonic interaction. This model connect mental health to citizenship and quality of life, aiming the psychosocial rehabilitation, the role and autonomy of users. In this model, the mental health professional is characterized as a caregiver, being the main instrument of his work, through direct and prolonged contact with users and staff. Thus, the mental health work engenders a particular kind of vulnerability, due to the constant emotional involvement with clients and other professionals, requiring affective resources, professional attitudes, skills and competencies that go beyond the limits of formal knowledge. Due to these aspects, several studies indicate the nature and organization of mental health work as generators of overload and stress for mental health professionals. This study aimed to identify the thematics that emerged in an intervention process carried out with two multidisciplinary teams of Psychosocial Care Center (CAPS) in a city in northern Parana, Brazil. Ten weekly meetings of "care groups for mental health staff" were carried out, with experiential activities followed by group discussion. The qualitative analysis of field diary allowed some themes identification such as: "Self-care: taking responsibility in reducing vulnerability," "From individualistic position to the collective project" and "Giving new meanings to teamwork". It was concluded that the intervention resulted in important reflections about daily professional issues that reflected in participants professional practices. It was highlighted that the care groups may constitute useful strategy for professional development in the mental health field.